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nr 7
35-54
EN
Same-sex marriage, which became effective in Germany on October 1, 2017, has met with mixed reactions within German Catholic Church. Does the new law violate the concept of marriage as is established in the constitution and in cultural tradition? The procreative aspect of marriage, which is emphasized by the German bishops, is undoubtedly socially beneficial. The magisterial critique of same-sex marriage tends to depict this institution as a social threat. If, however, the plausibility of this position decreases since same-sex marriages neither impair existing liberties of heterosexual spouses nor prove to be socially adverse, the general rejection of the legal opening of same-sex marriage will by no means be demanded from a moral theological perspective.
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nr 1
EN
Drawing empirically on the examples of the Church of Latter-Day Saints’ (Mormon) participation in anti-ERA (Equal Rights Amendment) ratification campaign and its latest attempts to influence other political issues of moral consequences (such as same-sex marriage) in the United States, the paper attempts to analyse the dynamics of a contemporary religiously motivated political movement.Despite being, on any of these issues, a part of a wider coalition of political actors, the Mormon church displayed a specifically religious motivation, justification and modus operandi. Owing to strong religious legitimacy of their power – based on the doctrine of continuous revelation and enhanced by a sort of “personality cult” of the Church President-Prophet developing in late 20th century – the leadership of the church has been capable of effective grassroots mobilization, achieved through a disciplined universal priesthood structure.While, from the theoretical point of view, this Mormon political movement is of a traditional, “old” variation (ideological and social cohesion of members, well-defined, stable membership, hierarchical leadership etc.) it has nevertheless been relatively successful in modern political environment. The Mormon engagement, at least in the anti-ERA campaign, had made a difference certainly in Utah, and probably elsewhere as well.
EN
This article defends the thesis that, in light of the postulates of liberal ethics, it is not possible to put forward universal arguments in support of any form of marriage. The existing forms of marriage should be either deemed unjust or founded on specific arguments recognized within a particular political community and determining the understanding of justice in a particular society. It defends the thesis that the requirement of universality, and consequently of impartiality, is not met, since behind every form of marriage there is a certain “minimum” anthropological approach. Marriage is discussed as a privilege granted to particular groups by the political community. The comments are made with reference to the discussion between Krzysztof Saja and Tomasz Sieczkowski concerning the problem of discrimination against same-sex couples in Polish legislation.
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2018
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nr 2 (46)
25-41
EN
On July 20, 2017, the Bundestag has passed a law on the introduction of the right to marry by persons of the same sex. The adopted legislative solution is contro- versial regarding its compliance with the German Basic Law, i.e. with its art. 6 § 1: “marriage and family are under special protection of the State.” The dispute concerns whether the necessary element of the constitutional concept of marriage was – and still is – a difference in the sex of the spouses. This paper has three basic objectives: first, the identification of the essential arguments raised in favour of amendment’s compliance with the Basic Law; secondly, to examine whether the position on the compliance of this amendment with the Basic Law requires adop- tion of a dynamic interpretation of constitutional provisions; thirdly, assuming an affirmative answer to the second question, to identify the process that led to the change in the meaning of the Basic Law in respect to the concept of marriage.
EN
Same-sex marriage has already been recognised in several countries, including Catholic ones. The Catholic Church claims that respect for homosexuals must not lead to approving the legalisation of same-sex relationships. The legal norms in countries are intended to protect heterosexual marriage, as equating homosexual and heterosexual relationships would constitute the loss of fundamental values belonging to humanity’s common heritage. However, the Catholic Church’s position is not monolithic. The supporters advocate changing the Church’s teachings on the inseparability of marriage or the acceptance of homosexual relationships. The paper presents recognition of same-sex marriage in European (and Catholic) countries, shows the links between the position of the Church on such relationships and secular legal systems. There is a discrepancy in attitudes towards homosexuality between Catholic conservatives in West and East Europe. Western Catholic conservatives understood that sexual freedom is beyond dispute and should not be mixed up in political battles over issues.
PL
Małżeństwa osób tej samej płci zostały uznane w wielu państwach, w tym w katolickich. Według Kościoła katolickiego szacunek dla osób homoseksualnych nie może prowadzić do zatwierdzenia legalizacji związków osób tej samej płci. Normy prawne w niektórych państwach mają na celu ochronę małżeństw heteroseksualnych, gdyż zrównanie związków homo- i heteroseksualnych oznaczałoby utratę podstawowych wartości należących do wspólnego dziedzictwa ludzkości. Stanowisko Kościoła nie jest monolityczne. Są zwolennicy, którzy opowiadają się za zmianą nauczania Kościoła na temat nierozerwalności małżeństwa czy akceptacji związków homoseksualnych. W artykule przedstawiono, w których państwach europejskich (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem krajów katolickich) dopuszczalne są małżeństwa osób tej samej płci, ukazano związki między stanowiskiem Kościoła w sprawie takich związków a świeckimi systemami prawnymi. Istnieje ogromna rozbieżność w postawach wobec homoseksualizmu między katolickimi konserwatystami w Europie Zachodniej i Wschodniej. Konserwatyści katoliccy w Europie Zachodniej zrozumieli, że wolność seksualna jest kwestią bezdyskusyjną i nie powinna być mieszana w polityczne batalie o sprawy fundamentalne.
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