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1
100%
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2018
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nr 18
57-74
EN
The objective of this paper is to determine the scale of influence of the media (both traditional and social) on party preferences. The complicated contemporary media ecosystem, in which the boundaries between traditional and internet media are blurred (internet versions of newspapers), news coverage is increasingly de-professionalized (emergence of civic journalism), verification of information becomes increasingly problematic (fake news) leads to a number of theoretical and methodological challenges. Theoretically, the paper uses the model in which mass media act as a factor triggering the emergence of latent views. Empirically, the effort is undertaken to cover the whole universe of information sources, including both print and electronic media, both traditional and internet sources. The analysis determines citizens’ sources of information, tracks consistencies in selecting particular categories of sources (thus outlining ‘information bubbles’), correlates sources with party preferences and measures generalized attitudes to media categories. The study is undertaken on a sample representative for adult Polish population, fielded with CAWI methodology.
2
Content available remote Volební kampaň a deklarovaná volební účast ve výzkumu veřejného mínění
100%
EN
This article examines the relationship between voter turnout (or, precisely, turnout intention) and variables related to the perception of the election campaign in the broader context of the other types of variables such as basic socio-demographic or political characteristics. The data used in this analysis are from surveys conducted during the period of three month before elections in 2010. All of the surveys were designed as public opinion polls and approximately 1000 Czech adults were interviewed nationwide at the beginning of each month. To explain the relationship between voter turnout (or rather a kind of readiness to vote) and the perception of the campaign, the binary logistic regression was chosen and three models were created. In relation to voter turnout, in addition to basic socio-demographic characteristics, the variables related to the perception of the election campaign are statistically significant, too. In the extended model, however, it is showed that behind the effects of most of them stands the rate of interest in politics. The only variable, which draws on a basis other than the interest in politics, proved to be awareness and acceptance of campaign influence on own voting behaviour. The frequency of consumption of media content proved to be more important than age, education and living standards. However, again behind these variables stands the interest in politics. Therefore, the interest in politics appears to be essential in relation to voter turnout in our analysis.
EN
This article describes the attitudes of the Czech public towards the Velvet Revolution and towards the social situation preceding and following it. The text deals with the general image of Velvet Revolution in the context of modern Czech history, tracks public opinion on this event, deals with evaluations of the period before and after November 1989, and handles assessments of the whole previous period. The event of the Velvet Revolution in Czech history is seen predominantly as a highlight, and as a positive phase in Czech history. Similarly, the stage that followed is seen in a predominantly positive light, although not so much as the change of political regime itself. However, there is a significant difference between how Czech public opinion judged the first and second decades after the Velvet Revolution. According to the public, not all areas of society have showed improvement during the latter period; in some cases developments are viewed negatively.
4
Content available Ukrainian Practice of Virtual Diplomacy
100%
EN
The article reveals the processes of transformation of diplomatic activity of the state under the influence of the Internet information and communication services. Relevance of this problem is caused by new opportunities and challenges the state diplomatic service faces under conditions of existence of such cross-border communication media as the Internet. In particular, it includes the possibilities of establishing the channels of target audiences direct informing abroad and operational informing of the world community as for rather topical issues of the state foreign policy. In the present political conditions and limited (compared with Russia) media opportunities it is more important for Ukraine to use the Internet to deliver its position on urgent problems of its domestic and foreign policy.
EN
While political scientists and communication scholars have long been interested in the relationship between democracy, media and public opinion, still too little attention has been focused on how these concepts and institutions are perceived by different actors functioning in the public sphere. This paper argues that the kind of idea of public opinion persists in society depends on the model of democracy adopted by various public actors, the historical context of the idea and the agendas measuring public opinion. Based on in-depth (n = 32) and focused group (n = 36) interviews this study shows that the way people look at different theoretical concepts depends not only on their different representations but also on the roles they play in the public sphere. Representations of public opinion expressed by lay people, politicians and journalists seem to be mutually exclusive. The paper explores the way Polish democracy persists despite these controversies.
6
Content available Etyczne i wychowawcze aspekty opinii publicznej
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nr 2
EN
This paper is concerned with the issue of public opinion considered from two points of view: ethical and educational. It has been inspired by the insufficient knowledge of society about public opinion as well as the gullibility of the general public as regards the acceptance of the results of public opinion polls. Therefore, the ethical and educational dimension of this phenomenon are not recognized, which results in a severe lack of research and publications on the topic. The paper consists of three parts. The first part introduces basic facts about public opinion and its major mechanisms. The second one deals with the phenomenon of public opinion as an ethical problem, while the third one is devoted to the problem of education aimed at the development of mature perception of public opinion and active participation in the process. The problem of public opinion is treated as an important and urgent task for ethicists and teachers. This seems relevant as an increasing influence of public opinion on both individuals and a whole society is observed in various areas, including politics, economy, culture and trade. Public opinion also affects an information order, which is of significance to the state and its citizens in the light of the emergence of a communication society.
7
Content available remote Trwoga 10/04 w świetle badań opinii publicznej
100%
EN
April 10th 2010 is undoubtedly one of the most important dates in modern Polish political history. 96 high Polish officials, including President Lech Kaczynski, died in an airplane crash in Smolensk. It can be assumed that this tragedy had a great impact on political attitudes. Unfortunately, very few authors in Poland conducted empirical research on this topic. The paper addressed the issue of probable psychological consequences of Smolensk Crash on political attitudes in the light of terror management theory. On this ground it can be said that arousing of mortality awareness after April 10th should result in a widespread feeling of terror. In other words, “threat of annihilation” should occur as a consequence of recalling those who died in Smolensk in the media. One of the major mechanisms to manage such anxiety is construction and maintenance of cultural worldviews, like ideologies. It leads to the hypothesis that when threatened, people are more likely to think and act in accordance with the cultural worldviews they share. Political leaders can be seen as guards of these cultural worldviews and if it is so, then trust and support for the politicians should increase when mortality salience occurs. Some of the public opinion research conducted in the first days after Smolensk crash are used to illustrate this hypothesis.
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2014
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nr 2
105-117
EN
The aim of this paper is to juxtapose the image of mentally ill persons in the world cinematography with the perceptions of this social category in the Polish society. Analysis made by the author was based on the selection of well known movies to compare with some results that are available in the reports published by CBOS (a Polish Public Opinion Research Centre). In both sources the social isolation of mentally ill people is a key trait of their image, moreover, the way mental illness is shown in movies is relatively stereotypical and departs from scientific knowledge, whereas people interviewed in the surveys regarding their contacts with and attitudes toward the mentally ill individuals reveal their apprehension and willingness to keep a distance.
EN
The following text presents the results of sociological survey, conducted by Center for Public Opinion Research, Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, in september 2009. This extensive field survey mapped attitudes and public opinion on selected topics and issues that touch the twentieth anniversary of the November revolution in 1989.
10
Content available remote Media jako źródło informacji o wymiarze sprawiedliwości
100%
EN
According to the results of the study one of the most surprising changes that can be observed in the Polish society is a significant decrease of social confidence toward courts. It is worth noticing that society under communism and during the first years after its collapse had a rather positive attitude toward court activity. The explanation of this visible paradox concerning a little social confidence in courts in the post communist Poland is mostly created by the way in which media (television, radio, press and Internet) present court and judges. It should be noted that media very often concentrate on the negative as well as sensational aspects of administration of justice. It is also worth noticing that such not always objective and just evaluation can undermine the social trust toward jurisdiction and thus to the whole social and legal order.
11
Content available POLITICAL PARANOIA - A RULE OR A CHANCE?
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EN
Politics is a particular field of social activity where accusing an opponent of mental incapacitation occurs as a frequent element of the conducted narrative. Moreover, public opinion discrediting a profession of a politician is very eager to question the mental health of political actors. Vocabulary used in the public is a vital testimony of societies attitude towards people with mental disorders. However, we refer paranoia to personality traits of individuals while political paranoia refers to reaction to events, facts or to the way it is seen by individuals or groups. The authors do not have any ambition to carry out a psychological analysis of politicians. What is intriguing is the issue of using political paranoia (searching for enemies, tracking plots, fighting in defence of ideals, irrational justification of failures) in the group spectrum for elections. What is also intriguing is the answer to the question whether politicians are paranoid, or it is a well-planned election strategy which aims to identify an opponent to consolidate a group of voters around the leader.
EN
In this study I wrote about the findings of the BKF Viadukt research among Hungarian teenagers. Thanks to the focus group research and the survey, we found that Hungarian teenagers openly and willingly talk about their social media use habits, give access to their data, profile and cover pictures, the structure of their social network and the applications they use. They usually gave access to save their personal data for the research. We were able to determine what social media channels were popular among them in 2013, which were used more actively, and for what purposes.
13
Content available Celebrytyzacja polityki w opiniach wyborców
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EN
The article presents voters opinion about two aspects of political celebritization: celebritization of style and substance of politicians’ communication and politization fo celebrities. 64% of respondents sees similarities between politicians’ and celebrities’ communication form and content while only 22% of respondents agree with the thesis of politization of celebrities.
14
Content available remote Historická paměť a politická identita voličů KSČM
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EN
This paper deals with results of a special survey focused on the problem (issue) of historical consciousness of Communist Party voters. The opening part of the article presents a theoretical and methodological framework: there is introduced an operationalization of concepts such as collective memory, historical consciousness, collective identity, and also outlined the position of the Communist Party in the Czech post-communist political system. The empirical part of the text is devoted to the problems of Czech modern history, particularly to the way in which Communist Party electorate in different contexts assesses various historical periods or phenomena prior to 1989 and also how a subsequent systemic change is reflected.
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nr 44
46-66
EN
In recent decades immigrants considerably influence the social and cultural landscape of Spain. The immigration brings a new dimension of multiculturalism phenomenon and enriches the hybrid (ethnic, regional, linguistic) Spanish identity. All immigrant communities are factors of cultural change in different levels of social life. Their impact on the receiving society can be both measured through the “hard” statistical data and described from the subjective perspective focusing on the social representations, expectations, fears, lifestyle and mentality changes, cultural closeness and remoteness, etc. Over the last years the global crisis has been a idée fixe of the socio-economic (but also cultural) discourse in many parts of the world. Spain was placed among countries most affected by the recession. Its economic downturn and social impasse led to internal political crisis (the accelerated general elections in 2011) and to appearance of the protest movement Indignados fighting for better conditions for life. Immigrants have become one the most relevant participant of the social changes in times of recession and conflicts. The intent of this article is to present the situation of the immigrant community in Spain in the period from 2008 to 2011, in reference to statistical reports, public opinion surveys and selected comments of Spanish press.
PL
Imigranci są od kilku dekad bardzo istotnym elementem hiszpańskiego społeczeństwa. Ich obecność w Hiszpanii to stosunkowo nowe oblicze wielokulturowości, współistniejące (nie zawsze zgodnie) z innymi składnikami złożonej hiszpańskiej tożsamości: etnicznej czy regionalnej. Społeczności imigranckie są często nośnikiem zmiany kulturowej na różnych poziomach życia społecznego. Bywają motorem przemian zarówno w sensie obiektywnym, co pokazuję „twarde” dane (wpływ na rynek prac i strukturę zatrudnienia, system edukacji, czy kierunek polityki społecznej), jak i w wymiarze bardziej subiektywnym, dotyczącym społecznych wyobrażeń, oczekiwań, niepokojów (przemiany stylu życia, mentalności, dynamika tolerancji vs. zamknięcia kulturowego, poczucie nowych zagrożeń w społeczeństwie przyjmującym etc.). W ostatnich latach tematem przewodnim debaty społeczno-ekonomicznej, ale także kulturowej, stał się postępujący kryzys dotykający zachodnie społeczeństwa. Hiszpania to jeden z tych krajów, w których ten impas przyjął szczególnie wyrazistą formę. Świadczyły o tym m.in. zawirowania na wewnętrznej scenie politycznej (przyspieszone wybory parlamentarne w 2011 r.), czy powstające ruchy społeczne walczące o poprawę warunków życia: Indignados. Imigranci stali się ważnymi uczestnikami wydarzeń i przemian społecznych zachodzących w dobie recesji i konfliktów. Celem artykułu będzie próba przedstawienia sytuacji społeczności imigranckich w Hiszpanii w latach 2008-2011, w odwołaniu do raportów statystycznych i sondaży opinii publicznej w Hiszpanii oraz wybranych komentarzy hiszpańskiej prasy.
EN
The practice of political life often indicates that the implementation of the control function is one of the most important elements of the Polish parliament’s competency. The possibility of appointing parliamentary committees of inquiry guaranteed by the Constitution is undoubtedly the clearest, and the most spectacular form of its exercise. However, It would seem that the clear form of the accepted political solutions does not eliminate various doubts of procedural, political and legal nature relating to their functioning. It is no wonder that parliamentary committees of inquiry, becoming media phenomena, are increasingly seen as a weak link in the process of political reality. The main objective of this paper is to show the form and the position of committees of inquiry, arising not only from the accepted legal and constitutional solutions, but also non-formal conditions shaped by political, media as well as social culture. The intention of the authors is an attempt to present the actual importance of parliamentary committees of inquiry in view of the perception of their activities by the electorate of particular parties.
17
88%
EN
The text discusses the relationship between real economic development, which is primarily measured by conventional statistical macroeconomic indicators, and the public opinion on economic development, whose regular monitoring offers a number of subjective indicators. Empirical data from the period of the independent Czech Republic show that subjective indicators reflect the real economic situation and its changes over time. In a broader sense the paper highlights some of the practical difficulties, which always arise when interpreting the results of public opinion polls and similar quantitative sociological investigations in this area.
18
Content available remote Political Will and Public Opinion : On Hegel’s Theory of Representation
88%
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tom 65
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nr Special Issue 1
17-40
EN
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the warning example of democracy based on the general will of the people which results in a terror. The article seeks to explain the argument that Hegel’s mature theory of representation makes both against Rousseau’s conception of the general will and against the modern tradition of liberal contractualism. Of key importance in this respect are the concepts “political will” and “public opinion”, which play, as Urbinati has argued, a key role in the theory of representation. The starting point of the argument is Schmitt’s distinction between representation and identity as two principles of political form, which is to some extent shared also by Hegel in his polemic with Rousseau as a theorist of democratic revolution. Hegel understands the State as the unification of civil society in political will, which is mediated by a number of institutions. This mediation of will is seen as a process of political representation, in which the fundamental role is played by the estates (Stände). Hegel’s theory of representation also sets it against the tradition of liberal contractualism, as shown in a polemic with Kant’s conception of the public. But Hegel’s conception of public opinion betrays his considerable mistrust of the subversive potential of democracy. Nevertheless, his theory of representation offers us a fundamental way to think about the concepts of political will and public opinion, thus creating an alternative tradition of modern political theory and providing us with a theoretical instrument for contemplating the contemporary crisis of representative democracy.
EN
The article is based on two basic theses. The first one involves a conviction that professional public relations does not exist without the observance of a code of conduct. No other issue is more important in PR than ethics — business ethics and ethics of people running the business. Without them the concept of PR will face the same fate as propaganda. The second thesis concerns a critical approach towards frequent, at least in Poland, manifestations of ignorance towards public relations philosophical genesis and ethos. That is why the author’s aim is to convince the reader that public relations is able to develop itself, provided that it is not subjected to marketing, despite the fact that it owes marketing a lot.
EN
Today the mass media plays a more and more important role as a source of infor-mation about different aspects of social life. Thus, it has become the main source of political knowledge as well. The more information citizens obtain from mass media, the bigger power the media has over its audience. Therefore, various players – journalists, publicists and politicians (using this feature of contemporary media) want to influence the state of social consciousness. One of the methods of such influence is the instrumen-tal use of survey results in political and media discourses. In their article the authors describe different examples of these argumentations.
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