Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Konstytucja kwietniowa i konstytucje republikańskich państw autorytarnych w międzywojennej Europie. Próba porównania — wybrane zagadnienia (część II)

100%

Kulesza W. T.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2017

|

nr 1(138)

37–58

EN

The article deals with the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 23 April 1935 as compared with constitutions of the authoritarian states of interwar Europe, which were republics. The scope of the analysis extends to the constitutions of: Albania — of 7 March 1925, Lithuania — of 15 May 1928 and 12 May 1938, Austria — of 30 April 1934, Portugal — of 19 March 1933, and Estonia — of 28 July 1937. The comparison covers constitutional provisions concerning the head of state, government and parliament and the relationship between the executive and the legislative powers. The comparison of the provisions of Poland’s constitution and respective provisions of the abovementioned constitution allows us to identify its place in this context and show specifi c traits of Polish constitution, especially those absent in other authoritarian constitutions of interwar Europe.

2

Český demokratický režim po roce 2012: přechod k poloprezidencialismu?

100%

Brunclík M. , Kubát M.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2016

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tom 52

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nr 5

625-646

EN

Until 2012 the Czech Republic was almost unambiguously classified as a parliamentary regime. However, in 2012, the previous scholarly consensus concerning the classification of the Czech Republic dissolved, and ‘post-Duvergerian’ scholars now regard the Czech regime as semi-presidential. The article works with the original Duvergerian definition into which it introduces the new concept of semi-presidentialism, which is based on presidential powers. The article applies this new concept to the Czech regime for the period since the first directly elected president, Miloš Zeman, took office. Enjoying a legitimacy advantage, Zeman broke with the constitutional conventions that had hitherto been followed and appointed a cabinet headed by Jiří Rusnok without consulting with the parliamentary parties and in opposition to their original opinion. This attempt to change Czech parliamentary practice nevertheless failed: the Rusnok cabinet lost the vote of confidence in parliament and further attempts by Zeman to shift constitutional practice in favour of the Office of the President and to acquire greater influence over the Executive were unsuccessful. The Czech political regime should therefore still be classified as a parliamentary regime.

3

The international trade policy in the american political system

100%

Ogrodniczuk M.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2015

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tom 12

159-172

EN

United States foreign policy, including trade policy, is a complicated process, complex mechanism, with many institutions participating. There are many participants in the process of US foreign trade policy-making. The article focuses on the description of the most important players in the foreign trade policy game and their influence on the subject.

4

Wizerunek prezydenta elekta Andrzeja Dudy w polskich tygodnikach katolickich „Gość Niedzielny” i „Niedziela”

100%

Leśniczak R.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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nr 48

299-318

EN

The article concerns the research area of political science and media studies, and in particular refers to the issue of mediatization of political communication. The purpose of the text is to establish the press image of president‑elect Andrzej Duda after winning the second round of Poland’s presidential elections in 2015, based on content analysis of Catholic weekly magazines Gość Niedzielny and Niedziela. This study covers the period of time between 25 May 2015 and 15 August 2015. The author examined the degree of interest in the mentioned newspapers for the person of president elect, size and placement of texts, interpretative framework in which he was presented (politico‑social, familial, scientific and religious), and the nature of the texts depicting Andrzej Duda (information, publications).

5

Prezydent w systemie konstytucyjnym Syrii

100%

Adamczyk A. , Jomma F.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2020

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nr 2(157)

9–27

EN

The article presents the political position of the President in Syria and analyzes powers of the head of state from the 1930 Constitution to including this issue in the 2012 Constitution. The study covers issues regarding the method of choosing the head of state and the competences in the area of executive, legislative and judicial power which determine the position of the President within the state system. It is argued that the strong political position of the Syrian President is related to the violation of the principle of separation of powers, enormous influence of the army on political life and a lack of democratic experience. The strong position of the President was manifested in the 1973 Constitution, when Hafiz al-Assad was the President. This continues to this day despite the adoption of the new Constitution in 2012.

6

T. G. M. - prezident hudbou obklopený

100%

Velek V.

Hudební věda (Musicology)

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2019

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tom 56

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nr 1

8-53

EN

The personality of the first President of Czechoslovakia, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, seen in the light of his relation to music and musical life represents a topic that has so far received only fragmentary scholarly attention, which makes it a suitable subject for team-based interdisciplinary research. The present paper, which is an initial attempt at a comprehensive survey, is based on both the academic output of historians specialising in T. G. Masaryk’s life and work, and the existing narrowly focused musicological findings. The Introduction sums up the information gathered earlier by Bedřich Bělohlávek in his book Masaryk a hudba (“Masaryk and Music”, Prague 1936), i.e., the data related to Masaryk’s music education, his relation to music and arts in general, the role of his wife, Charlotte (a professional pianist), family music-making, etc. While Bělohlávek’s focus was on Masaryk as a citizen, this paper lays emphasis on Masaryk as the President. The opening section deals with the development of research in this field and its historically changing conditions (the Second World War, the Communist era of 1948–1989). It was also thanks to Masaryk that music became an important vehicle for the presentation of the young republic abroad. Suffice it to mention his support for the young generation of composers (e.g., Anatol Provazník, Alois Hába and Bohuslav Martinů), as well as talented up-and-coming performers (Jarmila Novotná, Rudolf Firkušný), and his respect for the older generation (Josef Suk, Leoš Janáček); this section also focuses on his attitude to Czechoslovakia’s German-speaking music scene. Extensive attention is paid to Masaryk’s attitude to the Smetana/Dvořák tradition, as well as his reflections on the works of Richard Wagner, Ludwig van Beethoven and other major composers. The paper also mentions the occasional critical voices raised against Masaryk (e.g., by Vítězslav Novák or Richard Kubla). Adequate space is reserved for an outline of the approach to music life taken by the Office of the President. Its tasks included the organisation of music productions at Prague Castle and other residences used by Masaryk, as well as handling correspondence, requests for official audiences and patronage of events, offers of honorary membership and music projects, requests for financial support, etc. The final section of the paper outlines options for further research, including another area that has not been studied so far: namely the category of compositions, extensive in terms of both quantity and content, on the theme of T. G. Masaryk. This is duly characterised as “T. G. Masaryk’s second life in music.” The paper presents multiple examples documenting that Masaryk’s relevance to the development of the Czech music scene was greater than had been thought.

CS

Osobnost prvního československého prezidenta T. G. Masaryka a jeho vztahů k hudbě a hudebnímu dění představuje téma dosud zpracované pouze torzovitě a vhodné pro teamový interdisciplinární výzkum. Studie je pokusem o první komplexní pohled a navazuje jak na výstupy historiků zabývajících se životem a dílem T. G. Masaryka, tak i na dílčí úzce zaměřené muzikologické výstupy. Úvod shrnuje to, co již představil Bedřich Bělohlávek ve své knize Masaryk a hudba (Praha 1936), tj. přiblížení hudebního vzdělání, jeho vztah k hudbě a umění vůbec, činnost manželky Charlotty (profesionální klavíristka), pěstování hudby v rodině apod. Jestliže se Bělohlávek soustředil hlavně na Masaryka-občana, tak studie klade hlavní důraz na Masaryka-prezidenta. Úvod studie patří vývoji stavu bádání a proměnám podmínek pro jeho výzkum (2. světová válka, socialistické období 1948–1989). Hudba se i díky Masarykovi stala jednou z důležitých cest prezentace mladé republiky v zahraničí. Zde stačí uvést jeho podporu mladé skladatelské generace (např. Anatol Provazník, Alois Hába, Bohuslav Martinů), ale i slibných interpretačních talentů (např. Jarmila Novotná, Rudolf Firkušný) a úctu ke starší skladatelské generaci (např. Josef Suk, Leoš Janáček), zmapován je i vztah k německojazyčné hudební scéně v Československu. Velký prostor má přiblížení Masarykova vztahu ke smetanovské a dvořákovské tradici, k reflexi děl Richarda Wagnera, Ludwiga van Beethovena a dalších velikánů. Studie přibližuje také kritické hlasy, které se příležitostně ozvaly proti Masarykovi (např. Vítězslav Novák, Richard Kubla). Velký prostor dostal nástin toho, jakým způsobem Kancelář prezidenta republiky přistupovala k hudebnímu dění. Patří sem organizace hudebního života na Pražském hradě a v dalších místech Masarykova pobytu, vyřizování korespondence, žádostí o audience a protektoráty nad akcemi, nabídky čestného členství a hudebních produkcí, žádosti o finanční podporu apod. Závěr studie přináší nástin cest dalšího výzkumu a naznačuje jiné velké – dosud nezpracované – téma: kvantitativně a obsahově rozsáhlou skupinu skladeb na téma T. G. Masaryk. Zde je na místě užít spojení „druhý život T. G. Masaryka v hudbě“. Studie na mnoha příkladech dokazuje, že Masarykův význam pro vývoj české hudební scény byl větší, než jak se dosud jevil.

7

Konstytucja kwietniowa i konstytucje republikańskich państw autorytarnych w międzywojennej Europie. Próba porównania — wybrane zagadnienia (część I)

100%

Kulesza W. T.

|

nr 6(137)

65-90

EN

The article deals with the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 23 April 1935 as compared with constitutions of the authoritarian states of interwar Europe, which were republics. The scope of the analysis extends to the constitutions of: Albania — of 7 March 1925, Lithuania — of 15 May 1928 and 12 May1938, Portugal — of 19 March 1933, Austria — of 30 April 1934 and Estonia — of 28 July 1937. The comparison covers constitutional provisions concerning the head of state, government and parliament and the relationship between the executive and the legislative powers. Detailed insight into the texts of those constitutions allows us to identify their common elements typical of an authoritarian state, primarily the position of the head of state, the hierarchy of President’s authorities and protection primacy of the executive in its relations with the legislative. At the same time, it makes it possible to identify particular differences in each of these constitutions, which are sometimes unique in its content, e.g. a strong position of the head of government in relation to the head of state (in Portugal and Austria), or implementing to a signifi cant extent the institution of direct democracy (in Estonia)

8

President of the state in the Afghan Constitutions

89%

Modrzejewska-Leśniewska J.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2015

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tom 2

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nr 1(5)

137-157

PL

W większości państw świata zachodniego funkcjonuje instytucja prezydenta. W zależności od prerogatyw przyznanych mu przez konstytucję, jest on albo reprezentantem swojego państwa, albo też dysponuje realną władzą. Niezależnie od tego, jaką funkcję pełni prezydent, urząd ten jest mocno usadowiony w systemie politycznym, a przepisy konstytucyjne i praktyka polityczna precyzują zakres jego kompetencji i możliwości działania. Poza strefą euroatlantycką także spotykamy się z państwami, w których istnieje urząd prezydenta. Zazwyczaj przy jego kształtowaniu, świadomie lub nie, społeczeństwa Azji, Afryki czy Ameryki Południowej czerpały z euroatlantyckich doświadczeń. Jednak doświadczenia historyczne państw pozaeuropejskich sprawiają, że urząd ten ma tam z reguły znacznie krótszą tradycję, a jego wprowadzenie często było efektem gwałtownych przemian społeczno-politycznych. Tym, co często odróżnia prezydentury państw afrykańskich i azjatyckich od euroatlantyckich jest ich niestabilność - przy sprawowaniu urzędu wiele zależy od osobowości i cech charakteru osoby sprawującej urząd, jak również od tradycji (lub jej braku) silnej władzy centralnej. Posługując się tymi przesłankami można przedstawić tradycje prezydenckie takiego państwa pozaeuropejskiego jak Afganistan. Jest to ciekawy przypadek, gdyż bardzo wyraźnie widać w nim wspomniane uwarunkowania, a sytuacja wewnętrzna państwa jest niestabilna. Dodatkowo, ze względu na plan wycofania sił międzynarodowych z tego kraju do końca 2014 r., prezydent może stać się głównym podmiotem kreującym politykę publiczną, a co za tym idzie, przyszłość Afganistanu.

EN

The institution of the president exists in the majority of the countries of the western world. Depending on the prerogatives granted by the constitution, the president may perform either a representative function or have the real power. No matter what the role of the president is, the position is deeply embedded in the political system, and the constitutional law as well as political practice specify its scope of competencies and capabilities. When we go beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, we can also find the states where an office of president is run. While its formation, Asian, African and South American societies, consciously or not, usually emulated the Euro-Atlantic experiences. In general, historical background of the non-European states, however, makes the history of the presidential office shorter, and the introduction of this position was often a result of violent sociopolitical changes. What often distinguishes the presidencies of the African and Asian countries from the Euro-Atlantic ones is their instability - in running this office a lot depends on the personality traits of the person holding it as well as on the tradition (or lack thereof) of strong central governance. On that premise, the presidency history of a non-European state, i.e. Afghanistan can be presented. This is an interesting case since the above mentioned factors are clearly visible in here, and the state's internal political situation is unstable. In addition, as the international forces are supposed to be withdrawn from the country until the end of 2014, the president may then become the main body formulating public policy and, thus, shaping the future of Afghanistan.

9

The Correlation Between The Electoral System in The Presidential Elections and The Constitutional Position of The Head of State in The Light of The Discussion on The Change of The Polish Constitution

88%

Danel Ł.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2017

|

tom 22

7-18

EN

Amending a constitution or replacing it with a new one is never easy. Even if politicians usually have a lot of ideas how it should be done, the real problem is to put these ideas into practice. If the President Duda’s initiative is to succeed, so in other words – if such a referendum is to be held, the consent of the Senate of the Republic of Poland, i.e. the second chamber of the Polish parliament is needed. According to the Article 125 of the current Constitution the consent of the Senate is given “by an absolute majority vote taken in the presence of at least half of the statutory number of Senators”. And while Law and Justice has such an absolute majority of seats in the Senate, it is difficult to say with certainty whether today, in the face of a rather tight relationship between President Duda and the Law and Justice’s leadership, Senators of this party will support the president’s initiative. And even if the referendum is held, it will only be the first step. The change of the constitution itself requires either the so-called ‘constitutional majority’ or a bipartisan consent, that is the agreement between the ruling party and at least part of the opposition. For the moment Law and Justice does not have such a constitutional majority, even if it joins forces with Kukiz ’15 parliamentary faction – the only political group that welcomed President Duda’s initiative with great enthusiasm. Other Polish political parties do not want to hear about any constitutional change accusing both Law and Justice and President Duda of repeatedly violating the constitution that is currently in force. Of course, it may change after the next parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2019 and 2020 respectively, especially if Law and Justice gets even better results, what – at least today – is suggested in the opinion polls. Maybe then, to change the constitution, they will not need agreement with any other political party, just like the Hungarian Fidesz after the 2010 elections. However, there is no doubt that disputes on the competences and powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, especially (but not only) in the context of the way he/she is elected, will return regularly in the discussions on potential constitutional changes. The possible evolution of the Polish parliamentarism into the presidential or semi-presidential regime would force a significant increase in the powers of the head of state, still elected directly by the people. Staying within the framework of the parliamentary regime would require a more precise definition of the constitutional position of the President of the Republic of Poland, leaving open the issue of the way he/she is elected.

10

Narodziny „mitu smoleńskiego”

88%

Sendyka P.

|

nr 1

EN

After the presidential air plane crash near Smolensk, in Russia, on April 10th 2010, we had all witnessed a transformation of this historical event into a myth. The aim of this article is to document this transformation, by following the different types of narratives after the crash (news articles, blogs, films), especially in its immediate aftermath. The analysis of these sources shows that the “Smolensk myth” has been born, fully formed (with all the ideas and motifs we can see today), almost immediately after the crash.

11

Rola Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w procedurze impeachmentu w Korei Południowej

88%

Siin C.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2019

|

nr 2(62)

27-42

EN

The author describes the history and functioning of the Constitutional Tribunal of the Republic of Korea. The article also discusses the procedure of impeachment in the South Korean system since the adoption of the Constitution in 1948. The author focuses primarily on the development of Korean legislation regarding the above-mentioned impeachment procedure.

12

Barack Obama – fenomen przywództwa

88%

Łazarczyk M.

Polonia Journal

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2022

|

nr 15

163-184

EN

In the article the phenomenon of Barack’ s Obama leadership was presented, taking into account the whole period of his presidency on the basis of power of character etc. Not only was the 44 president of the United States of America a charismatic leader, but also he has passed the test for the leadership, which was presented in hereby article on the basis of historical method.

13

Les élections présidentielles en France. 1958–2012, (Michel Winock)

88%

Szklarski T. W.

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nr 1(150)

299–302

EN

In his book Les élections présidentielles en France. 1958–2012, professor Michel Winock not only presents the specificity of the elections of the French head of state, but also of the office. The discussion begins with explaining the historical conditions related to the position of the President of the Republic. Further, the establishment of the Fifth Republic of France is presented, as well as the new creation in the science of political systems – the semi-presidential system – which is mostly the result of General Charles de Gaulle’s activity. Subsequent chapters contain characteristics of exercising the office by its individual holders and the extent to which political marketing decides on the outcome of electoral competition in the modern world.

14

Prezydent w parlamentarnym systemie rządów Republiki Bułgarii. Geneza – pozycja ustrojowa – odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna

88%

Grabowska S.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2014

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nr 2 (18)

119-130

PL

Tekst jest analizą bułgarskich regulacji prawnych dotyczących odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej prezydenta. Prezydent Bułgarii za popełnienie deliktu konstytucyjnego odpowiada przed Sądem Konstytucyjnym. Wniosek w tej sprawie może złożyć grupa parlamentarzystów, a w stan oskarżenia stawia parlament. Jeśli Sąd Konstytucyjny uzna zasadność zarzutów przedstawionych w akcie oskarżenia, to prezydent zostaje złożony z urzędu.

EN

The text is an analysis of the Bulgarian legal regulations concerning the constitutional responsibility of the President. President of Bulgaria for committing a constitutional delict is responsible before the Constitutional Court. The proposal in this regard may submit a group of parliamentarians and parliament puts indictment. If the Constitutional Court decides the merits of allegations made in the indictment, the president shall be deposited with the office.

15

Role Hany Benešové při vytváření exilového prezidentského „dvora“

88%

Čechurová J.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2020

|

nr 1

9-20

EN

This study focuses on Hana Benešová, one of the most significant female figures of the first half of the 20th century, and her role in the internal functioning and external reflection of the presidential “court” in exile in Great Britain during the Second World War. To a great extent, it highlights the continuity with the pre-war period. Emphasis is also placed on the elements of standard royal courts that are identical to those of the republican court.

16

Kognicja sądów administracyjnych wobec kontroli legalności prerogatywy Prezydenta RP do powoływania sędziów

88%

Sławiński A.

Przegląd Sejmowy

|

2020

|

nr 3(158)

163–182

EN

The article assesses the impact of the legal acts of the President of the Republic of Poland on individual legal standing. Anyone may in virtue of the President’s actions, satisfy their legal interest and acquire rights. Potential admissibility of administrative court’s review of the President’s executive competences is also discussed. A majority of the scholarly opinions and of jurisdiction is that neither common nor administrative courts have the competence to assess is actions of the highest state authority in this matter. No jurisdiction in this scope prevents administering justice and thus is an obstacle in exercising fundamental rights by an individual. The article presents arguments for and against recognition of the administrative court’s competence and potential effects of legal review.

17

Constitutional responsibility of the president in post-communist countries – case study (Lithuania, Romania, the Czech Republic)

88%

Kowalska M.

|

nr 10

7-26

EN

The article presents the empirical side of the issues of constitutional responsibility in the countries of “new democracy,” such as, Lithuania, Romania and the Czech Republic. It very often happens that the more power one has, the more temptation there is to abuse one’s office. That is why, the responsibility of the people of the highest government levels as the heads of states, is to guarantee the rule of law in every democratic state. The control is necessary when the law is not being obeyed or somebody is acting in defiance of generally abiding rules. Thereby, the constitutional responsibility is very important. It should be enforced by independent courts or in the impeachment procedure. Such a solution has been adopted in most European post-communist countries, and more importantly, very often applied for practical purposes.

PL

Artykuł przedstawia empiryczną stronę zagadnienia odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej w krajach „nowej demokracji” na przykładzie Litwy, Rumunii oraz Czech. Praktyka uczy nas, iż na każdym kto w mniejszym lub większym zakresie jest dysponentem władzy państwowej, ciąży pokusa jej nadużywania. Dlatego też odpowiedzialność osób zajmujących w państwie najwyższe stanowiska urzędnicze – a do nich z całą pewnością należy zaliczyć urząd głowy państwa – jest gwarancją praworządności w każdym współczesnym państwie demokratycznym. Odpowiedniej kontroli wymagają zarówno ich zachowania polegające tak na wadliwym stosowaniu prawa, bądź też podejmowane niezgodnie z treścią obowiązujących norm. Stąd w zestawie środków, które mają zapewnić kontrolę nad sprawowaniem władzy wykonawczej w sposób zgodny z prawem, znajduje się odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna egzekwowana przez niezawisłe organy typu sądowego lub w formule procedury impeachment. Takie też rozwiązania zostały przyjęte w większości europejskich państw postkomunistycznych, a co istotniejsze znalazły w niektórych z nich też praktyczne zastosowanie.

18

Legislatywa i egzekutywa w prezydenckich i półprezydenckich systemach rządów

88%

Szymanek J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

|

2017

|

nr 1(138)

103– 136

EN

The article deals with the issue of the relationship between the legislative and the executive powers under the presidential and semi-presidential systems of government. The starting point is the following general remark. While the presidential system is characterized by a consistent or complete separation of powers, the semi-presidential system — being typically mixed with a parliamentary system — treats the principle of division of powers in a less restrictive way, allowing — just like a parliamentary system — various kinds of exceptions to the rigid separation of powers. Consequently, in both of these systems the relationships between the legislature and the executive are arranged somewhat differently. Under the presidential system these relationships are kept to a minimum, and the collision between the legislature and the executive occurs episodically and mainly in the context of competition between them, whereas under the semi-presidential system various kinds of contacts between the legislative and the executive are acceptable and more frequent. While the presidential system is generated by competition between powers, the semi-presidential (and parliamentary) systems is based on the idea of cooperation of powers. Thus, under the general idea of cooperation the legislature and the executive much more likely enter into various kinds of arrangements (eg. a legislative initiative of the government, the procedure for holding the government politically responsible). It should, however, be noted that both described systems of government in its pure form are rare. Clear presidential system is in fact the political system of the United States, while the proper semi-presidential system exists in the French Fifth Republic. All other systems, conventionally classifi ed as one or the other category, are in fact more or less departure from them and rather form a wide range of neo-presidential or para-presidential regimes.

19

State Acts of Ukraine and the Baltic Countries: chronological comparison (1990–2004)

88%

Voitenko Y.

Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe

|

2023

|

nr 8(1)

35-43

EN

The article examines the main state-building acts adopted by the highest authorities of Ukraine and the Baltic states starting from 1990 (as a result of the first free election of deputies of these republics in the post-war period) and until 2004 (when significant changes took place in the internal political and geopolitical context, in particular – the accession of the Baltic states to NATO and the EU, as well as changes in the form of government in Ukraine in amendments to the Constitution as a result of the so-called «Orange Revolution»). The article reflects not only the legal part of the specified period, but also the institutional part, in particular, in the part of the formation of both legislative and executive power in the specified countries. The interaction of political, regulatory and historical components in this article forms a holistic vision of state-building processes in their synergistic unity. The purpose of the study is to conduct a chronological comparison of the main statebuilding acts of Ukraine and the Baltic countries in the period from 1990 to 2004. The methodological basis is a chronological comparison of the normative framework of countries in the context of the processes of state formation. It was determined that the parliaments of these countries, which were elected in the spring of 1990, immediately began to fight for their sovereignty and set a course for separation from the union center. The August 1991 putsch in Moscow became the «trigger mechanism» in the declaration of independence of the Baltic states and Ukraine. From that time, these countries began to build their states independently, in particular in the political and legal sphere. First, there is a change in the name of the state itself and its parliament (getting rid of the Soviet one) at the legislative level, as well as the complete subordination of power structures and other authorities exclusively to republican structures. Subsequently, the main state symbols (flag, coat of arms and anthem), constitutions are adopted, the course of states towards a market economy through the denationalization of property and privatization is introduced, each has its own currency, property is divided with other republics, international treaties and agreements are adopted, and countries The Baltics (but not Ukraine) manage to completely get rid of Russian troops from their territory through complex diplomatic efforts. The latter also contributed to the fact that the Baltic countries, having immediately taken a course towards the West, later became full members of NATO and the EU. During this period, Ukraine only decided on its geopolitical vector, that it intends to join these international associations in the future.

20

20 Years after The Lustration of Lech Wałęsa

88%

Składanowski H. M.

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nr 11

45-66

EN

This study aims to determine whether the decision of the V Lustration Department of the Court of Appeal in Warsaw issued in 2000, that Lech Wałęsa was not a secret collaborate of the former Security Service of the Polish People’s Republic (PPR), was a correct one. Marek Aftyka’s “briefing memo” and Proceedings of Regional Court in Gdańsk I Civil Department in 2010 in a case brought by Lech Wałęsa against Krzysztof Wyszkowski were researched in this article. It is stated that individual decisions of judges in 2000 were wrong in this case, which was confirmed on February 16, 2016 by finding the personal and working files of the secret collaborate codename “Bolek”. Analysis of the sources demonstrated that Wałęsa he did not consider the cooperation with the prosecution and security institutions, as well as with the state of real socialism as something wrong. At the same time, former Polish president, as a well-trained agent, will never admit to the cooperation.