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EN
A new system of school evaluation was implemented in Poland in 2009. It consists of two elements: self-evaluation (conducted by teams of teachers) and external evaluation (conducted by inspectors trained in evaluation). This way of evaluation reflects not only autonomous and engaged evaluation but also dissociated and unbiased external evaluation. Its final product – a report written by a team of inspectors – is a mixture of voices and interests analysed through several standards imposed by the state. On the theoretical level we treat the school inspections system in a way similar to Harold Garfinkel’s famous analysis of hospital documentation as a consequence of negotiation between a patient and a hospital (2007). We had to understand above all the discursive level of the text to be able to highlight different layers of this re-interpreted auto-interpretation, in particular a differentiation of voices of diverse, and often conflicted groups (teachers, students and their parents and establishing entities). Then we paid attention to the future. For the future it is possible to consider three different scenarios (based on multidimensional analysis) that can be described through the metaphors of guard, guide and partner. We then tested these three models using data gathered in the external evaluation and post-evaluation.
EN
Th is article analyzes political narratives of the discourse on the future use of nuclear energy in Hungary. In light of the January 2014 parliamentary decision to expand Hungarian nuclear energy production capacity with Russian technology and fi nancing, the article examines parliamentary addresses of the period 2010–2013 to identify and interpret characteristics and changes in nuclear narratives of parliamentary parties and the government. Th e content analysis includes identifi cation of framing, characteristics of choice of language, realization of risk and of benefi t oriented speaking patterns, and the assessment of power relations between the political actors. Th e article argues that the nuclear communication strategies of political parties show distinct approaches: full f ront approach to include nuclear aspects of all possible issues, avoidance that attempts not taking sides in this issue, and re-direction that, within the nuclear framing, places a focus on other aspects with the purpose to re-defi ne the dominant framing and to rule the discourse. Risk awareness patterns range from comprehensive to occasional, selective and latent risk perception structures. Th e Risk Perception Index, comprehending levels of risk and benefi t perception, can serve as a model to measure, in numeric terms, the support or critique of the nuclear agenda.
EN
Lewis Coser perennially discussed various forms and facets of ‘greedy institutions’ with their total grasp on the individual. Coser’s ‘greedy institutions’ demand undivided time and loyalty from the individual who will voluntarily devote him/herself for exclusive benefits only granted to loyal followers. Although the ancient authorities have vanished—princes with their court Jews, masters with their servants, or religious and political missionaries— one can argue that the idea of the greedy institution is far from obsolete today. Management consultants, 24/7 old-age carers from Eastern Europe and particularly the ‘hive mind’ of new social media show that a revisiting of Coser’s theory can help in understanding modern forms of greed in institutions. This awareness may enhance vigilance against intrusions into personal autonomy.
EN
The article aims at presenting two opposite socio-philosophical stances, to which most of research on power within the framework of discourse studies can be attributed. These outlooks are represented by the names of Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault. The discussion between these intellectuals constitutes the basis for the comparative analysis presented in the article. The competing approaches to the following questions are juxtaposed: what is political power, why power relations need to be analyzed and possibly changed, what is the role of ideas like “struggle”, “freedom” or “justice” in these processes. For many researchers interested in discursive manifestations of power relations, this set of notions delineates the scope of normatively legitimate pragmatic issues inscribed into the research practice. The aim of the paper is to closely examine the assumptions underlying the rival solutions to the above mentioned issues. This is achieved by presenting the contrasting arguments used as a means for the justification of legitimacy and moral rightness of each standpoint.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie dwóch przeciwstawnych stanowisk filozoficzno-nau- kowych, do których można przyporządkować dużą część badań nad władzą prowadzonych w ramach analizy dyskursu. Sygnowane są one nazwiskami Noama Chomsky’ego i Michela Foucault. Podstawą ich prezentacji jest dyskusja, w której udział wzięli obaj uczeni. Artykuł przedstawia opozycyjne spojrzenia na to, czym jest władza polityczna, co jest celem jej bada- nia i ewentualnej zmiany oraz jaką rolę odgrywają w tych procesach takie pojęcia jak: walka, wolność czy sprawiedliwość. Dla wielu badaczy dyskursowych przejawów relacji władzy ten zestaw terminów wyznacza sferę umocowanych normatywnie konkretnych problemów wpisanych w praktykę badawczą. Tekst stawia sobie zadanie prześledzenia przesłanek dwóch sposobów teoretyczno-badawczego rozwiązania tych kwestii, poprzez zaprezentowanie czę- ściowo przeciwstawnych argumentów służących nadaniu własnej optyce prawomocności lub moralnej słuszności.
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