The article features the main methods of measuring the economic and defence potential of the state. This notion is extremely vague and appears also named differently, therefore a wide formula of presentation was adopted. Thus the approaches and methods relating directly to the economic and defence potential's notion as well as the notion of states ’power were discussed. Such a way of presentation agrees with the observation according to which the defence and economic potential is perceived in two ways. Firstly, as a material basis of the defence potential (as a supply system of the defence system), secondly, as a material component of the power of the state, apart from so called nonmaterial components. The whole of the material components is called hard power, whereas the whole of non-material factors is called soft power. Defence economics and the concept of the defence and economic potential have emerged on the experiences of total wars. Such a war cannot be excluded in the future, however, it is not the only paradigm. The presented models and concepts show that the traditional approach is still strong. American, German, French, Russian, Chinese, Indian and Polish concepts were discussed in the article. The complexity of the economic and defence potential notion, the power of the states including, is reflected in a certain degree by professions of the models ’ and concepts ’ creators which include political scientists, economists, servicemen and even physicists (Wilhelm Fucks).
The European Union aspires to play an increasingly important role not only in the European neighbourhood region, but also on a global scale. It is an economic, cultural and civilization power, but its strength is generated by the strongest member states. Unfortunately, the conduct of the common foreign and security policy, especially the projection of military power, still remains its Achilles’ heel. It is often difficult for the Member States to develop a common position or undertake joint actions due to different interests. In addition, the visible progressive reorientation of the current liberal international order to the detriment of Western democratic states, the weakening of international law and multilateral institutions, the growing international contradictions and open conflicts in the southern and eastern neighborhood, generates a number of implications for the EU, the consequences of which will affect the final shape of the international order and the place of the EU in this system.
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Unia Europejska aspiruje do odgrywania coraz to większej roli nie tylko w regionie europejskiego sąsiedztwa, ale i na płaszczyźnie globalnej. Jest potęgą gospodarczą i kulturowo-cywilizacyjną, przy czym jej siłę generują najsilniejsze państwa członkowskie. Niestety prowadzenie wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa, w tym zwłaszcza projekcja siły militarnej wciąż pozostają jej piętą achillesową. Niejednokrotnie bowiem państwom członkowskim z uwagi na odmienne interesy trudno jest wypracować wspólne stanowisko lub podjąć wspólne działania. Ponadto widoczna postępująca reorientacja obecnego liberalnego ładu międzynarodowego na niekorzyść demokratycznych państw Zachodu, osłabienie prawa międzynarodowego i instytucji wielostronnych, narastanie międzynarodowych sprzeczności i otwartych konfliktów w południowym i wschodnim sąsiedztwie, generuje dla UE szereg implikacji, których konsekwencje będą miały wpływ na ostateczny kształt ładu międzynarodowego i miejsca UE w tym systemie.
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