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EN
Karachay-Circassia, is very small both in the territorial and demographic aspect and is widely considered as one of the most politically unstable state-subjects of the Russian Federation. This instability is implied by a combination of many factors occurring against a relatively stable historical and cultural background. This background consists of: multiethnicity, colonization and sovietization, deportations, migrations, ethnic segmentation of the society, ethno-clanishness, ethnic and territorial conflicts and the geopolitical situation. The latter has often decomposed the natural development of nation-creating and state-creating processes. Moreover, it has also been the main cause of numerous tragedies of the local populace which sometimes has put its very biological existence under threat.
EN
Ideologies are fundamental in categorising, defi ning and evaluating political reality. They also condition the aims inspiring actors on the political stage, constituting, as it were, a bond providing parties, social groups and societies with sets of values and convictions that unite them. We are now witnessing an evolution of traditional political ideologies, triggered off by new challenges, the changing world order, processes of globalisation and Europeanisation, while political parties in Europe seem to resign from clear–cut ideological identifi cations, opting for the pragmatic, thus maximising their voting scores and, subsequently, efficient management of the public sphere. Politics is ever more frequently perceived as a mere struggle for power, political ideas are seen as slogans serving the purpose of winning votes or popular support, while ideologies have become “goods on display”, hiding deeper meanings of political life. Yet, at the same time ideologies still retain their purpose, infl uencing the functioning of political parties or political communities.
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Content available Debating the Concept of "Good Law"
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EN
Establishing good law has been an old dream of humanity. Back in ancient times leaders such as Hammurabi, Solon, and especially Justinian the Great, and many others, while attempting to codify and reform the law, were driven by the ideal of “good law”. ! is same idea inspired Montesquieu in his De l’esprit des lois (“! e Spirit of the Laws”). Monumental legal acts in Napoleon’s times or the time of German unifi cation, as well as copying these acts into the legal systems of the countries of the Far East, for example, Japan, serve as additional examples on how tempted leaders have been able to implement the idea of “good law”, which, quite frequently, is directly stated in the preamble to leading legal acts.
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Content available On formation of method in political science
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EN
It is widely recognised, that the status of any scientific discipline is vitally determined by its methodological autonomy. These are theoretical rules on the acquirement of information about a given reality, its definitions, systematization, clarification and interpretation. It is a specific challenge with regards to political science, which stems from the subject of knowledge, the politics. This realm is known to humanity from the onset of structure-shaping and institutionalisation of social life, and since ancient times attempts at its theoretical clarification are being undertaken. It has taken an important place within philosophical thought, historical and legal analysis. This reality led to political science becoming an integrating platform for knowledge from areas of political and social philosophy, law, economy, history. This integration has made cognitive challenges superficial and as a consequence raised such questions as: is political science a scientific discipline? The unfavourable image was revealed as it was included in broad process of political education of society.
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Content available The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties
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EN
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
EN
Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing.
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tom 44
9-22
EN
In article, author pay attention to the potential and scope of the impact of new forms of communication on the form and content of theoretical research. In principle, such an effect can be seen in two related, but different dimensions of analysis. In the first place it concerns the scope of the political theory, which is enriched with new areas and issues revealing previously unknown or not perceived problems, phenomena and processes that guide the interests of contemporary researchers. On the other hand, global mass communication techniques significantly shape, and thus change the existing forms of theoretical discourse and the structure of the theory itself. These changes in the perspective f plurality and decentralization of theoretical discourse subjects, as well as the emergence of new research areas which aspire to the status of scientific discipline, gain innovative importance especially from the point of view of the attempts to achieve meta-synthetic accumulation of social knowledge.
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nr 1
110-124
EN
The study tackles some key aspects of voters’ decision making in modern mass democracies vis a vis the changes of paradigm of political party membership since the implementation of universal suffrage. The implementation of universal suffrage, the study argues, brought about also mass party membership, which presupposed tight integration of an individual into a distinct socio-cultural collective body. The parties thus begun to expand into the „civic“ sphere, which enabled the identification of a single voter with respective political representation, the Agrarian party of the First Czechoslovak Republic being a typical example for Kunštat. The end of the World War II, however, is accompanied by growing diversity of institutions and interests within the modern democracies. The parties oriented on voters from different social backgrounds, which pursued a large number of concrete goals, begun to assert themselves. The political conflicts and interests thus became gradually de-ideologized. Parallel to that, these types of political parties were unable to tackle the interests and problems of post-industrial society (gender question, nuclear energy, abortion etc.) According to Kunštat, today the modern media seem to play the key role of an almost single producer of public discourse and also of a very strong tool of social control. Voters’ decision making, the study concludes, is thus nowadays defined more by their political socialization or party identification than by rational choice.
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nr 2
25-37
EN
Demeny voting is one of less known ways to modify the classic approach to organizing democratic elections. This paper is an attempt at identifying a proper approach to studies on the possible impact of the demeny voting system on the Polish political system. Moreover, it is devoted to identifying other fields that require further research which should precede proper investigation of possible application of demeny voting in Poland. Secondary interest of the article is to pursue the connection between demeny voting and the ideal of deliberative democracy. The author refers to the results of the 2015 general elections and Polish demographic information published by the Central Statistical Office of Poland. The analysis of the data may serve as of a first step towards determining a hypothetical impact of demeny voting on the Polish political system
EN
In this paper I want to show, the Antonio Gramsci’s arrangements, Italian Marxist, are very actual analysis of political process and phenomenon, which can be very significant tip and inspiration for the political researchers. The argument of this paper is about a kind of continuity between process of establishing hegemony and notice what the political (beyond the strictly policy). Analyzing this continuity, I want to do some kind of “political science transcription” of Gramsci, which I hope will result in more detailed research. Also I want to show the Gramsci’s profile as a political theoretist.
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tom 15
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nr 1
191-203
EN
Thomas Hobbes bequeathed to us a comprehensive system, the interpretation of which remains a matter of disagreement even today. In his political theory, he pays most attention to the state community. He deliberates over the reasons for its origin, its decline and fall. Among the more detailed issues dealt with in his reflections, the more important ones are the following: the concept of the state of nature, human motivation, the state of war and peace, as well as considerations concerning the social contract. In order to be consistent in his argument, Hobbes also deals with the analysis of the structures of the state, the division of power and with the functions a state should perform. Due to these deliberations, he finally arrives at the secret of the state's durability. Though it is certainly the case that, since his times, the socio-political situation and circumstances have changed, many of the solutions postulated by Hobbes have not lost their value.
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tom 9
EN
In this paper, the author raised the question of whether the separation of powers is a useless concept. It summarizes some critical arguments against the tripartite separation of powers. The paper deals with application issues related to the separation of powers and distinguishes several attitudes toward them, which it then analyses in more detail. Great attention is dedicated to formalism and functionalism. Eventually, the author wonders whether it would be better to innovate the idea of separation of powers, or to dismiss and replace it with some other principle. He concludes that the separation of powers has problems, but we need to evaluate this idea in relation to its possible alternatives. In such a light it still sounds promising.
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nr 3
301-314
EN
Although political equality is guaranteed in the Constitutions of modern democracies, few members of disadvantaged groups are parliamentarians. Political theorists, free to imagine varieties of democratic processes, increasingly pay critical attention to this problem and to the idea of representation of social groups by members of these groups, i.e. descriptive representation (DR). Yet, surprisingly few political theorists have asked the parliamentarians themselves how they conceptualize and debate the merits of DR. We use the constructivist approach to explore the meaning of unequal representation by comparing the claims of political theorists to data from a recent survey of Polish parliamentarians.We find that parliamentarians and theorists overlap in many of the basic arguments for and against descriptive representation, but with two major differences. First, parliamentarians embed their arguments in the practicalities of their job to such an extent that it is impossible to meaningfully separate theoretical ideas from their relentlessly practical approach. Second, many parliamentarians have an unyielding faith in existing democratic processes, and believe that the democratic system will, eventually, lead to equal representation. That theorists and parliamentarians inhabit different social worlds is one of the main reasons why so many theoretical ideas on how to improve contemporary democracy are rarely implemented: many of them are simply at odds with the people who are supposed to do it.
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Content available Przedmiot badań politologicznych w Polsce
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EN
The main topic of the paper is the subject of political science research in Poland. The authors try to reconstruct the formation of this subject over the last several decades, with a special focus on the reflections of Polish political theorists and theorists. The text is divided into three main parts. The first deals with the factors structuring the subject of political science research (individual research interests, the formation of particular paradigms and metatheories, fashion, the politics of disciplinary organization). The second is a synthetic reconstruction of the formation of the political science research object. And the last, provides an overview of the knotty research problems in the field of interest to the authors.
PL
Głównym zagadnieniem artykułu jest przedmiot badań politologicznych w Polsce. Autorzy starają się odtworzyć kształtowanie się owego przedmiotu na przestrzeni ostatnich kilku dekad, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem refleksji polskich teoretyków i teoretyczek polityki. Tekst został podzielony na trzy główne części. Pierwsza dotyczy czynników strukturyzujących przedmiot badań politologicznych (indywidualne zainteresowania badawcze, kształtowanie się poszczególnych paradygmatów i metateorii, moda, polityka organizacji dyscyplinarnej). Druga stanowi syntetyczną rekonstrukcję kształtowania się politologicznego przedmiotu badań. Ostatnia zaś, zawiera przegląd węzłowych problemów badawczych w interesującym autorów zakresie.
EN
This paper examines the relation between the problem of human nature and political theory; it is claimed that every such theory is founded on some anthropological precon-ditions. The paper studies the political conceptions of four modern philosophers: Thom-as Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Karl Marx, Pyotr Kropotkin. It reveals that two opposing tendencies form the imaginary of the modern era: the authoritative one that identifies an egoistic/ unsociable human nature that needs control, and the libertarian one that recognizes a human being capable of more advanced types of social fabric. It is also investigated how anthropological dualism can be transcended to permit the concep-tion of a new anthropological type as well as the type of society that will help the hu-man potentiality of consciousness and coexistence to unfold.
EN
In the face of complex challenges Polish political science is now struggling with, there is an urgent need for a serious debate on the evolution of political science in Poland, on changes on its ground, and on its future. The outcome of such a debate should be a program of actions, which would strengthen Polish political science, allow for its further fruitful development, as well as will dispel the doubts about scientific meaning and social role of political science. However, everything depends on the scientists themselves – on their commitment; hence the question: “a renaissance or a breakup of political science?” remains (unfortunately) open. The paper may be perceived as an incentive to perform an extensive and systematic debate within political science community, which could be an inspiration for new organizational solutions and new research formulas, as well as would stimulate integrational processes within the community of political scientists. For the purpose of such a debate, the article presents the author’s concept of “ICTR”: Integration – Consolidation – Thematic Reconfiguration. It is a proposition aiming at repairing scientific (professional) relations within Polish political science community and improving the condition of the discipline, and it includes some organizational postulates and postulates referring to research and didactics. At the end of the paper some additional comments were made concerning the role of political theory in the future program of development of political science. The author defend the thesis that political theory could serve facilitation role in the process of development of Polish political science.
PL
Wobec złożonych wyzwań, z jakimi musi się obecnie mierzyć polska politologia, zachodzi paląca potrzeba poważnej debaty nad kierunkiem ewolucji politologii w Polsce, zmian na gruncie tej dyscypliny, nad jej przyszłością. Rezultatem tej debaty powinien być program działań, które wzmocnią politologię polską, pozwolą na jej dalszy owocny rozwój, a także spowodują, że rozwiane zostaną wątpliwości odnośnie do naukowego znaczenia i społecznej roli politologii. Wszystko jednak zależy od samych uczonych – od ich zaangażowania, stąd pytanie: „renesans czy rozpad politologii?” pozostaje (niestety) otwartym. Niniejszy artykuł może być postrzegany jako swoista „zachęta” do podjęcia szerszej i systematycznej debaty środowiskowej, rezultatem której mogłyby być zręby nowego politologicznego programu naukowego, który z kolei mógłby zainspirować do nowych rozwiązań organizacyjnych i nowych formuł badawczych oraz stymulowałby procesy integracyjne w obrębie tegoż środowiska. Na potrzeby takiej debaty, w artykule przedstawiono zręby autorskiej koncepcji „IKR”: Integracja – Konsolidacja – Rekonfiguracja tematyczna. Jest to propozycja celująca w naprawę relacji naukowych (zawodowych) w obrębie polskiego środowiska politologicznego i poprawę kondycji naukowej dyscypliny, jak również zawierająca pewne postulaty organizacyjne oraz związane z badaniami i dydaktyką. Na końcu opracowania znalazły się dodatkowo pewne uwagi dotyczące miejsca teorii polityki w owym ewentualnym przyszłym programie rozwoju politologii. Autor broni stanowiska, zgodnie z którym teoria polityki mogłaby pełnić rolę facylitacyjną w procesie rozwoju polskiej politologii.
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