The word ‘myth’ means tradition, legend. Myth-making is seen as the most important event in the cultural history of mankind. In primitive society mythology presents the basic way of understanding the world. The history of the people needs to be told of his mythology, and not vice versa. In our view when creating the image of a political leader should come from the heroic myths. The main characteristics of political myth are relying on the archetype and some technological artifice. We can say that the political myth is an adaptation of a cultural myth for political purposes. Political myth thus becomes a necessary form of communication between people and the government. Political myths are widely used in election campaigns, because from a psychological point of view the mythologizing the political leader allows differentiate him from competitors.
Historical politics play a crucial role in the creation of Polish national identity and often result in extreme and dangerous nationalism. It was Edward W. Said who had pointed out in his work entitled Culture and Imperialism that the interpenetration of politics and culture seems to be alarming. The main focus of this paper will be the contemporary text of culture in the lens of Polish (ergo: national-liberating) political discourse; thus Maria Janion’s statement about the life span of the messianic topic in Poland will be maintained. It is not hard to notice that the Polish culture is overflowing with images of sacrificing lives in the name of the fatherland which reinforces the normative paradigm of masculinity based on honor and rigidity. The mainstream production directed by Jerzy Zalewski which tells the story of Mieczysław „Rój” Dziemieszkiewicz (regarded as one of the cursed soldiers) seems to be a symptomatic example of a cultural text permeated with a solid worldview full of Polish martyrology axioms rooted in the era of Romanticism. The author of this text will employ a Montaignian approach to understand why historical figures are needed by Polish politicians to create a national identity and often gain a mythical status of supremacy. In this case, „guerrilla semiotics” introduced by Umberto Eco will be needed to decode the axioms and paradigms hidden under this visual text of culture. It seems to be dubious that the extension of anti-communist war discourse from 1944 to the Polish political arena subserves the formation of an inclusive community.
Georges Sorel is a Franco-Italian thinker, famous as the creator of the theory of modern political mythology. In Poland Sorel is seen only as a Marxist thinker. In reality, Sorel was a nonorthodox Marxist, but in the last decades of his life he constructed a political mythology of revolution from the Left and the Right. Sorel can be seen in collaboration with communists and sindicalists in Italy and nationalists and monarchists in France. His mixture of communist and nationalist ideas is the ground for the fascist movement of Benito Mussolini.
PL
Gorges Sorel to francusko-włoski myśliciel znany jako twórca teorii współczesnej mitologii politycznej. W Polsce Sorel jest postrzegany tylko jako myśliciel marksistowski. Rzeczywistość jest jednak bardziej skomplikowana. Sorel był nieortodoksyjnym myślicielem marksistowskim, a w ostatniej epoce swego życia skonstruował polityczną mitologię rewolucji od lewicy po prawicę. Sorela równie dobrze można uznać za współpracownika komunistów i syndykalistów we Włoszech co nacjonalistów i monarchistów we Francji. Jego mieszanka idei komunistycznych i nacjonalistycznych jest podstawą faszystowskiego ruchu Benito Mussoliniego.
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