Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Chwiejność elektoratów partii politycznych w Polsce w latach 2001–2019

100%

Onasz M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2023

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nr 5(178)

159–184

EN

The aim of the article is to examine the extent to which the electorates of the current parliamentary parties (represented in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland) are changing in terms of their place in the electoral space. The paper focuses on the issue of electoral volatility of Polish political parties – the variability of the behaviour of their electorates in territorial terms (constituencies). The presented study allows to confirm the thesis of low electoral volatility (high stability) of the main parliamentary parties in the period 2001–2019, with groupings with high support characterised by a lower level of electoral volatility. In addition, the article presents an analysis of the electorates of groups of political parties over the same period, which allows to confirm the flows of electorates related to the dynamics of the party system.

2

Spain`s Party System at Times of the Economical Crisis after 2008

100%

Myśliwiec M.

Political Preferences

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2015

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nr 11

125-162

EN

In reality of representative democracy, the economic situation of the state is one of the most important factors determining the stability and durability of a political system. In 2008 an intense economic crisis affected whole Europe. One of consequences of this situation were serious changes in composition and functioning of political systems and its subsystems in almost all countries belonging to the region. This phenomenon has also occurred in contemporary Spain. The main aim of this paper will be to show how the Spanish party system has changed after the outbreak of the economic crisis of 2008.

3

Development of the Opposition in the Post-Soviet Ukraine

100%

Stefurak M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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nr 2 (2)

PL

Analysis of the main stages of transformation among the political opposition and its impact on the political process in Ukraine (1991–2012 years) according to the institutional approach reveals the phenomenon of political opposition, the generalization of its main characteristics. Examinated the theoretical approaches to the classification of political opposition.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

4

Wybory do Bundestagu z 24 września 2017 roku i ich następstwa

100%

Kubiak P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2018

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nr 2(367)

7-37

EN

The author analyzes the results of the election for the Bundestag with special emphasis on the ongoing changes in the German party system. The elections of September 24, 2017 brought about significant changes on the German political scene: a strong representation of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) made its debut in the Bundestag, six factions have formed in the parliament, the position of the great Volksparteien (CDU/CSU and SPD) has weakened, while the middle-sized parties (AfD, FDP, Die Linke and The Greens) have gained in strength. This is an effect of the growing fragmentation and polarization of the German party system. Such an election outcome caused problems with forming a stable federal government. In the author’s opinion, the results of the last election for the Bundestag were heavily influenced by the migration crisis, which deepened and accelerated the processes underway in the German party system and contributed to a good result of the anti-immigrant AfD.

5

The Spanish Party System and the Issue of Assigning Responsibility

100%

Sroka A.

Political Preferences

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2015

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nr 11

162-173

EN

The article addresses the dependency between the level of institutionalization present in the Spanish party system, electoral accountability and assigning responsibility. The primary research objective of this article is to determine the extent to which electoral volatility is present in Spain, both at the aggregate and individual level, which is a measure of the degree of institutionalization reached by a party system. Next, the dependency between electoral volatility and fluidity of elites at the electoral and parliamentary level is analysed. This allows for an answer to the question of whether there is a problem in Spain with assigning responsibility, having regard to the fact that the presence of extensive electoral volatility among both voters and political elites makes it difficult to speak of effective accountability.

6

Ara es l’hora? The Approach of the Catalan Political Scene to Independence Issues

100%

Pobóg-Lenartowicz M.

Historia i Polityka

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2016

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nr 16(23)

27-41

EN

The political situation in Catalonia during the last months is changing almost daily. Catalan nationalist movements consistently continue their efforts to create an independent state. As a result, every vote – an unofficial plebiscite, local elections or elections to the Catalan parliament – is treated like a referendum on the matter of independence. The Catalan actions that are ever more faster and further-reaching meet with a growing opposition of the central government, threatening the Catalan authorities with a number of sanctions in case of taking further, concrete steps to break away from Spain. Although, from the outside, the Catalan independence parties seem to be a monolith, the situation on the regional political scene is much more complex. During the past several months, the balance of power of political parties in Catalonia was completely changed. Ruling for almost thirty years, Convergencia i Unió divided and the results of the election of 27 September forced Prime Minister Artur Mas (of the centre-right CiU) and the leaders of the new pro-independence coalition Junts pel Si to seek an ally in the far-left Popular Unity Candidacy. Therefore, this is a time of difficult choices for Catalonia, not only in relation to the issue of independence, but also when it comes to alliances on the national political scene. In this article, I will try to analyze the curent political scene in Catalonia and its impact on the independence aspirations of the Autonomous Community. I will examine the current balance of power of political parties and the changes that have occurred in 2015. I will look at the programmes of the leading – in recent years as well as currently – Catalan political factions in terms of their outlook on the issue of independence. Finally, I will consider in what way the complex situation on the Catalan political scene may become a determinant of the effectiveness of the demands for independence made by the authorities of Catalonia.

7

Arkadiusz Lewandowski, Akcja Wyborcza Solidarność. Centroprawica w poszukiwaniu modelu współpracy

100%

Sikorski T.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2018

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nr 1(144)

228–231

EN

The monograph is the fi rst attempt to comprehensively show the activity of the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) — one of the most enduring and also the longest present on the Polish political scene (in the Third Republic) — center-right coalition. Although — ideologically — AWS was an eclectic group, it ruled for four years (initially in a coalition), constituting a political base for the Cabinet of Jerzy Buzek. By specifying the limits of the research fi eld, the author takes into account the whole range of political activities of political groups that created AWS, its program, strategy and political thought, and placed the analysis in the wider context of political reality, as well as party and political system. The author runs his deliberations from the beginning of the systemic transformation, sensibly and objectively examining the origins of AWS, until 2002, when the group actually ceased to exist. AWS created foundations for new political structures, including two leading parties: Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland and the Law and Justice.

8

„Wschód głosuje inaczej” – preferencje wyborcze w nowych krajach federacji po 1990 r.

100%

Bojenko-Izdebska E.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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nr 1(350)

45-62

EN

The author analyzes the evolution of party-political systems in Eastern Germany and the results of subsequent elections to the State Diets (Landtag) and the Bundestag from the unification to the latest elections of 22 September 2013. She presents the process of the shaping of the party system in the new federal states and the causes of their differences, solidified by consecutive elections. Next she undertakes an analysis of the polling results in Eastern Germany in elections to the Bundestag, comparing them to the electoral preferences in the Western part of the country. During the last elections there occurred both an approximation of the polling results to the overall German trend (victory of the CDU) but also the continuation of hitherto preferences, since in spite of losses The Left came second, while SPD and FDP again lost a part of the voters. However, whether this means a progressive leveling of electoral attitudes in both parts of the FRG will be decided in the elections to the State Diets in 2014 and 2016.

9

NOWE PARTIE W SYSTEMIE PARTYJNYM – SPECYFIKA POLSKI

100%

MARMOLA M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

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nr 3(12)

83-92 (10)

EN

During the quarter-century of democracy in Poland, most of the parliamentary par-ties had a post-communist or post-Solidarity origin. Only three formations without links to the two sides of the Round Table agreement – League of Polish Families (LPR), Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota, now: Your Move) – have achieved political relevance. The analysis of their road to parliament helps to cap-ture the specificity of the success of genuinely new parties in Poland. The factors that affect high electoral support for the aforementioned three parties were: advantageous configuration in Polish party system, strong leadership and articula-tion of new issues or neglected demands (exploitation of new community division and filling an ideological niche). The fate of LPR and Samoobrona confirms that the last factor seems to be crucial for the success of genuinely new party.

10

Społeczne podstawy systemu partyjnego – zarys tematyki w perspektywie Polski

100%

Kamiński P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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nr 6(32)

223-240

EN

This paper presents the ongoing discussion about Polish party system formation and its foundations among society. It also reviews the the literature that has studied the origins of cleavage based party systems, originally presented by Lipset and Rokkan, as well as theoretical and empirical assessments. For a long period of time Polish party system was depicted as very unstable, lacking any sign of institutionalization and where voters had showed no strong ties to political parties. This paper presents an argument that since 2004 this situation has started to change. In the second part of the review it is suggested that the current state of the Polish party system gives us strong indications that the new cleavage may have come into being, namely, between liberal and solidarity values, which convincingly correlates with electorates of two biggest parties: Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO).

11

American Political Spectrum

100%

Szczepański J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2018

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tom 4

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nr 4

7-19

EN

The text is aimed at tracing the evolution of the American political spectrum. It presents major historical and contemporary political parties of the United States of America. The article has been structured in such a way so as to serve primarily as a teaching aid for classes on the US poltical system.

12

European Parliament Elections in Poland in 2014

88%

Szczepański D.

Political Preferences

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2014

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nr 9

97-110

EN

The aim of the article was discuss the elections to the European Parliament in Poland in 2014, taking into consideration the political situation before the elections in particular. The influence of the parliamentary elections in 2011 on the Polish political scene, and the activity of governmental coalition of the Civic Platform and the Polish Peasant Party, as well as the emergence of new political entities actively participating in electoral competition, has been analysed. A detailed analysis was done regarding the course of election campaign, paying attention to the elements of negative campaigning as well as the course of the elections themselves. The final reflections were dedicated to the election results and their influence (consequences) on the Polish party system.

13

Wybory do Bundestagu XX kadencji i nowy układ sił na niemieckiej scenie politycznej

88%

Kubiak P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2022

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nr 3 (384)

47-88

EN

The aim of the study is to characterize the course of the election campaign, a detailed analysis of the election results and an attempt to reflect on the consequences of the outcome of the elections that took place in Germany on September 26, 2021. The author analyzes the election results with particular emphasis on the ongoing changes in the German party system. This election was unique for several reasons: 1) the chancellor in office was, for the first time, not seeking re-election so it was obvious that someone else would head the new government; 2) three parties (CDU/CSU, SPD and the Greens) nominated their candidates for chancellor; 3) the elections were highly personalized: errors and slip-ups of the leaders significantly impacted the ratings of their parties; 4) the election campaign was exceptionally dynamic (the party leading the polls changed three times), and its course was strongly influenced by unexpected events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the tragic flood in western Germany; 5) in their programs, most parties set themselves far- reaching goals related to the modernization of the German economy and the adaptation of Germany to the challenges of the climate crisis. The study confirmed the thesis that the results of the elections to the Bundestag of the 20th electoral term validated most of the tendencies within the German party system that could be observed in the 21st century. Thus, the German party system will continue to be based on the six relevant parties represented in the Bundestag (SPD, CDU/CSU, Greens, FDP, AfD and Die Linke). However, the position of extreme parties (AfD, Die Linke) weakened, resulting in a greater number of possible coalition solutions. After the elections, a progressive coalition was formed, nicknamed a “traffic lights coalition”, made up of the SPD, the Greens and the FDP with Olaf Scholz as the new chancellor.

14

Partie polityczne i system partyjny Ukrainy: problemy kształtowania się w warunkach tworzenia państwa oraz transformacji społecznej

88%

Szweda J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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nr 3(34/1)

161-176

EN

Political parties are known to play a profound role in the formation and functioning of the political system of a state. In the countries that are experiencing social transformations their place and role are a bit different from those they hold in the countries with a developed democracy. Since independence proclamation (1991) Ukraine has been in a state of public transition: from the Soviet totalitarianism with a communist single-party to a liberal pluralism. However, this way is rather complicated and ambiguous. The process of social transformation in Ukraine is complicated by the fact that it takes place simultaneously with the process of state building and setting the stages of sovereign statehood. The aim of this study is to analyze the peculiarities of political parties and party system establishment in Ukraine under the conditions of social transformation and state building.

15

Bawarski system partyjny po 1945 roku – droga do politycznej dominacji CSU

88%

Kozerski M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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nr 2 (375)

65-83

EN

After 1945 a specific party system emerged in Bavaria, based on the dominance of the Christian Social Union (CSU). The aim of the article is to examine the period preceding the rise of this stable system and to present its elements: Bavarian parliamentary groups. The questions asked in the study concern the reasons for such a significant remodeling of the system in the 1960s and the sources of the political successes of the CSU. The formulated thesis refers to the strategies of the Bavarian Christian Democrats aimed (initially) at obtaining and then maintaining power: the CSU strove to present itself as a regional party with a broad public support by simultaneously highlighting the issues of progress and modernity on the one hand, and tradition and attachment to the homeland, on the other. In order to gain a broader view of Bavaria’s party system in its initial form, the article references the political and economic situation in the country after World War II. The study used the historical-analytical method, and in connection with developing a vision of the future of the Bavarian party system and the place of the CSU in it – the extrapolation method was applied.

16

Ciągłość czy zmiana? – o szansach nowych partii w Polsce

88%

Marmola M.

Political Preferences

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2014

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nr 8

75-84

EN

The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters’ demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate. The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don’t believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year’s European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation.

17

Wybrane problemy metodologiczne w kontekście rywalizacji politycznej w Polsce po 2005 roku

88%

Górka M.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2012

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tom 9

216-239

EN

Examination of the party system inevitably forced to deal with the problem of organizational identity Polish parties. Today, the essence of the problem concerns the transformation of the party system in Poland, which have their origin in the electoral battle in 2005. The current political rivalry, based on stable relations between the camp „post-Solidarity” and the camp „post-communist” began to lose its importance. An important issue with which every political scientist aims to describe the modern party system is a further question about the political scenario and for a further two-tier model of political compe-tition between PO and PiS. The purpose of text is an indication of the enormity of the obstacles and dif-ficulties which must face a political scientist at the analysis of the processes taking place in the Polish political party system in the period 2005–2011. An-other issue deserving attention is the special phenomena and processes that must be tackled contemporary political science, and which are currently in Poland's political life, such as „media coverage” or „cartelization” of politics. Events of the years 2005–2011 and their impact on political life in the coun-try are of much controversy in the scientific community. Many voices in the ongoing discussion in the pages of scientific journals indicate that some issues relating to contemporary political competition is not yet clear. Changing the nature of the organization of political parties and the conduct of election cam-paigns and the contemporary nature of political competition are still unex-plored area in the field of political science.

18

The political party system in Slovakia in the era of Mečiarism. The experiences of the young democracies of central European countries

88%

Barański M.

Eastern Review

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2020

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tom 9

33-48

EN

This article aims to reconstruct the functioning of political parties that was present during the establishment of the foundations of the democratic system and political practice, from the “Velvet Revolution” to the creation of a competitive party system with a dominant political party – Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) set up by Vladimir Mečiar; who served as prime minister in the years 1993–1998 (including a hiatus in 1994) greatly affecting the state internal and international policy, and held the post of the sole chairman of the party until its dissolution. V. Mečiar’s rule was marked by the interweaving of the elements of the wave of democratization with the reverse wave of de-democratization. The pro-democratic and undemocratic tendencies displayed by Mečiar were determined – apart from objective factors – by the personality traits of the prime minister: his commanding and charismatic leadership style, authoritarianism, making public decisions in a ruthless manner devoid of impartiality, or violations of democratic norms and values. Apart from its scientific purpose, this article may also fulfil a practical function allowing the possibility of using the research findings in social practice/politics.

19

Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України

88%

Стойко О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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nr 8

158-163

EN

There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.

20

Voliči, stranická polarizace a její vývoj od roku 1993

88%

Lebedová E.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2014

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tom 12

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nr 1

3-14

EN

The degree of party polarization is a significant analytical measure contributing to our understanding of the party system development and it’s dynamic in time. It influences the government formation and indirectly also its stability. Moreover, the party polarization affects electoral choice and thus the voter decision-making process. Despite these it has been wrongfully neglected in the Czech political science literature so far. The aim of this paper is to fill this gap and present empirically backed data on the intensity and change of the party polarization in the Czech Republic. The analysis is based on the data sets of CVVM which monthly records the voter self-placement on the left-right scale in the long term. By analysing these data and using Dalton's index of party system polarization it is proved that party polarization in the Czech Republic has generally increased since 1993 and that it was usually higher during General election campaign. Within the period under review (1993-2013) the polarization index reached its lowest value in 2001, while the highest value was found in June 2010.