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Komparatívna analýza opozičných legislatívnych stratégií strán Smer-SD a ČSSD v rokoch 2010–2012, resp. 2010–2013

100%

Chovancová K.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2017

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nr 2

85-113

EN

One of the essential functions of a parliament in a parliamentary democracy is the creation of legislation. And since governmental majorities prevail in most parliamentary democracies, the opposition confronts the government in the process of creating the legislation. This article concentrates on a comparison of oppositional strategies of two specific political parties when proposing legislation. The first is Smer-SD, a social-democratic party in Slovakia, while the second is ČSSD, a social-democratic party in the Czech Republic. Both are relevant parties with experience of being in government. The analysed period covers one electoral term when these parties were in opposition: the period of 2010–2012 in the case of the former and the period of 2010–2013 in the case of the latter. The analysis is conducted in five aspects: 1) the number of their legislative proposals; 2) the content of these proposals; 3) strategies used when proposing legislation (whether proposers create the legislation in cooperation with MPs from other parliamentary party groups or with the government); 4) the timing of proposing the legislation (whether any increase or decrease in the legislative activity may be observed during the electoral term) and 5) success of the legislation proposed by these parties (as a complementary factor to these four aspects).

2

Possible application of deliberative democracy in parliament

100%

Dolný B.

Human Affairs

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2011

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tom 21

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nr 4

422-436

EN

Deliberative democracy, as a dominant paradigm in contemporary democratic theory, offers a new, attractive conception of democratic legitimacy, which represents an alternative to a democracy that functions through the mechanism of political competition. A major problem with deliberation is the issue of its institutionalisation, as the theories of deliberative democracy have not produced a more specific institutional framework or form in which it could be used in political practice. Parliaments appear to be particularly suitable places for its potential implementation. Moreover, deliberative democracy could contribute to a change in discourse quality and the way decision-making is conducted in parliaments, which is often considered problematic. Due to its incompatibility with competitive democracy, the opportunities for introducing deliberative democracy into parliaments are very limited. The study also outlines three ways of reconciling deliberative democracy and parliaments.

3

K čemu instituce? Jsme přeci samí slušní lidé! Příčiny, důsledky a řešení nedůvěry v zastupitelské sbory v Česku

88%

Müller K. B.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2016

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nr 1

5-39

EN

The aim of this article is to interpret the causes and consequences of strengthening or weakening public trust in representative bodies at local and central level in the Czech Republic. The author seeks to answer the questions why in the Czech Republic the public trust in municipal councils is significantly and consistently higher than trust in Parliament, and what implications from such a situation may arise for the efficiency and legitimacy of these institutions. Further the paper discusses issues of interconnectedness between institutional and interpersonal trust, and what tools or measures could be employed in order to protect and strengthen institutional efficiency and democratic legitimacy.

4

Legitimacy through Subsidiarity? The Parliamentary Control of EU Policy-making

88%

Borońska-Hryniewiecka K.

Polish Political Science Review. Polski Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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tom 1

84-99

XX

This article explains the relationship between subsidiarity and legitimacy of policies designed at EU level. Through means of theoretically informed analysis this paper claims that if the principle of subsidiarity is respected and implemented throughout the policy process, EU policy-making can aspire to satisfy the condition of both input and output legitimacy. The empirical part of the paper shows how, through a subsidiarity control mechanism known as the Early Warning System, national parliaments can collectively fulfill representative and deliberative functions in EU policy-making. Conclusions about the changing dynamics in parliamentary modus operandi in the field of EU affairs lead to forming a set of recommendations for further research.

5

Podział wpływów między frakcjami i grupami w Najwyższej Radzie Ukrainy (1990 – 2012)

63%

Olejnik W. , Lebediuk W.

Facta Simonidis

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2013

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nr 6

93-118

PL

W artykule poddano szczegółowej analizie podział wpływów między frakcjami i grupami w Najwyższej Radzie Ukrainy od 1 do 7 kadencji. Oparto je na modelach teoretycznych Banzhafa, a więc uwzględniających wskaźnik dla większości zwykłej i konstytucyjnej, jak również sekwencji α-wskaźnika - indeksu złożonego, który bierze pod uwagę preferencje frakcji i grup do budowania koalicji. Wykazano, że wpływ frakcji lub grupy, mierzone wskaźnikiemBanzhafa, mogą się znacznie różnić od ich partycypacjiw liczbie miejsc w parlamencie. Ustalono też, że w ocenie wpływu za pomocą α-wskaźnika, frakcje i grupy zajmujące pośrednie stanowisko zwiększają swoje wpływy, zaś zmniejszają je zajmując postawy radykalne.

EN

The article analyses the distribution of power among factions and groups in Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (1990–2012). It uses Banzhaf’s power index including the simple and constitutional majority’s index and α-index which takes into account factions’ and groups’ preferences for coalition making. It is shown that the power of a faction evaluated on the basis of Banzhaf index might significantly differ from its actual share of seats. It is shown that when the α-index is used groups and fractions who have indirect power increase their influence whereas radical ones lose it.