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1

Masarykův vztah k nacionalismu

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David Z.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2010

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tom 58

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nr 3

325-350

EN

Paul Anton de Lagarde (1827-1891) taught at the University of Göttingen from 1869 to 1889, and was a correspondent of Masaryk in the 1880s. Masaryk remained concerned with Lagarde’s teaching, even after his death in 1891, until the end of his own life. Masaryk’s relationship to Lagarde was not only complex, but also highly paradoxical in view of Masaryk’s own reputation for humanitarianism and tolerance, which may explain why scholars have shied away from the topic. Lagarde tended to appeal to radical nationalists in Germany, eventually including Hitler’s National Socialists, by his avid promotion of the German mission of colonization in the East and his sharp critique of Jewish influences in Christianity. The key to understanding Lagarde’s attractiveness for Masaryk is the latter’s search for a religious dimension to round out his own Weltanschauung. Initially, there could be a rapprochement on the grounds of Lagarde’s reduction of Christian religion to an inner ethical voice, which Masaryk felt was compatible (in its absence of dogma or historical narrative) with his own rationalist theism. Ultimately, however, the two thinkers grew out of two contrasting albeit both Central European strands of thought, Lagarde from the idealistic and ontically monistic school, Masaryk from the realistic and ontically pluralistic one. The former trend, known as the German philosophical tradition, had its source in the secularized Lutheran subjectivism, the latter trend, known as the Austrian philosophical tradition, had its source in the Josephist Catholic Enlightenment with its empirical objectivism. In the end the metaphysical divergence made itself felt in the stark contrast between Masaryk’s humanitarian cosmopolitanism and Lagarde’s nationalist xenophobia. This led to Masaryk’s repudiation of Lagarde as a political pace-setter, despite a residual respect for Lagarde as a theologian. The story of their encounter sharply illustrates the difference of the two philosophical traditions in their bearing on the genesis of nationalism in Central Europe.

2

Uwarunkowania geocywilizacyjne Bośni i Hercegowiny

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Mazepa D.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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nr 11

143-154

EN

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country with a special geo-civilization position. There are significant antagonisms between the three civilizations present here, completely separate ideologically, culturally and socially. According to Samuel Huntington’s theorem in Bosnia and Herzegovina take place a clash of civilizations that causes a general disagreement in the state, pursuing for completely different purposes by three nationalities, and as a consequence leads to instability in the country. The country, relatively young, has been a battlefield for influence for many centuries, which has shaped contemporary difficult situation. Nowadays, the agreement between Western, Islamic and Orthodox civilization which osculate in this area is impossible to achieve due to the diametric differences and purposes of these circles. Undoubtedly, Bosnia and Herzegovina is struggling with the consequences of such a clash of civilizations, as can be seen in the political, social and economic life of the country. The purpose of this article is to identify the problems arising from the presence of three civilizational circles in one state.

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РОЛЬ ЯЗЫКА В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ ГРАЖДАН В ПОСТСОВЕТСКОМ ПРОСТРАНСТВЕ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ КАЗАХСТАНА)

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Шайбакова (Shaybakova) Д. D. , Университет им. Юстуса Либига (Гиссен Г.

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EN

The article considers the role of language in formation of citizen’s identity in the post-Soviet countries. It deals with possibilities of identityʼs determination, basing on the concepts of nationalism and ethnicity on the example of Kazakhstan. The author states that nationalism is not connected directly with language, but for ethnicity it is one of the basic concepts. Language identity reveals not only from the status characteristics in the context of discourse within post-Soviet countries, but also as a way of influence on social consciousness. Finally, the paper discusses the way of how the meta-language shapes the thinking stereotype about identity.

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Teoretyczne i praktyczne kłopoty z tożsamością narodową

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Dziemidok B.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2012

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nr 41

23-51

XX

National identity is one of the basic and most stable forms of collective identity. For many people it is a core value because it fulfills three important needs of man: the need to belong (rootedness), the need of axiological orientation and the need of respect due to any member of a respected community such as a nation. Two troubles are connected with national identity in present times. First, a strong sense of national identity can lead to ethno-nationalism, xenophobia and conflicts among nations. On the other hand, we are living in an epoch of globalization and international integration, which - in the opinion of many authors - endangers national identity and in effect may cause its loss and replacement with a cosmopolitan identity. The author undermines such views. He believes that strong national identity does not necessarily cause aggressive nationalism and xenophobia. Moreover, he does not agree with the view that globalization processes and integration tendencies will soon change national identity into cosmopolitan identity.

5

Volební právo žen do říšské rady, českého zemského sněmu a do obcí v letech 1848–1914

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Malínská J.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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tom 1

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nr 1

24-57

EN

The liberalization and democratization of society as well as of the Constitution and relevant legislation including electoral laws for Reichsrat, Bohemian Diet and local self-governments between 1848 and World War I, considerably contributed to the development of the Czech women’s movement. The study attempts to explore the context of relationships between political liberalization and democratization and the public activities of women’s associations. The focus is on gradual changes in women’s attitudes toward the work for the society. The initial non-political activities oriented on the social sphere and education of girls began to expand into politics since early 1890’s, due to better education of women and significant approval of some politicians. To be able to participate in this political sphere, women had to acquire the suffrage similar to men. Gradual broadening of electoral law contributed to further emancipation of women as well as the Czech society.

6

Giovanni Preziosi i Generalny Inspektorat do spraw Rasowych (1944-1945)

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Sondel-Cedarmas J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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nr 1(23)

193-217

EN

This article is devoted to the analysis of the ideas of Giovanni Preziosi (1881‑1945), an Italian journalist and director of the main anti‑Semitic journal in Italy, “La Vita Italiana”, in circulation from 1921 to 1945. He also served as Minister of State from 1942‑1943, as well as the head of the General Inspectorate of Race in the period of the Italian Social Republic. He is regarded as one of the foremost theorists of Italian anti‑Semitism in the XX century, as well as one of the main representatives of Fascism in the period preceding the March on Rome. Preziosi also played a leading role in the implementation of racist policies in Italy in the years 1938‑1945. In his famous Memoriale, which he developed in January 1944 and then sent to Mussolini and Hitler, he blames Jews and Masons for the fall of Fascism on 25 July 1943 and proclaims the “final resolution of the Jewish problem” in Italy. As the head of the General Inspectorate of Race in the years 1944‑1945, he attempted to adopt the German model in Italy, particularly in the project of bills he wrote in May 1944, which were based on the Nuremburg Laws from 1935 and which were to be a revision of the decrees from 1938‑1939.

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Nacjonalizm zwyczajnych ludzi. Etnicyzowanie tradycji muzycznej na przykładzie festiwalu w Gučy

80%

Kuligowski W.

Slavia Meridionalis

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2011

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tom 11

EN

Normal people’s nationalism. Ethnicization of music tradition for instance some festival in GučaSince the 1980’s ethnology and social and cultural anthropology have witnessed an increasing number of studies and debates on nationalism in the light of popular culture. In the light of theory formulated by Hobsbawm, Gellner, Hayes and Comaroff nationalism is effect not big symbols and official politics, but rather popular entertainment, media and normal practices normal people in its normal life. Traditional primordial concepts of nationalism are deep regressive.In this paper, I discuss a few contradictions in the relationship between tradition, nationalism and music. An excellent example illustrating specific nature of these contradictions is Dragačevski sabor trubača (Guča Trumpet Festival) in Guča, Serbia and particular music genre – brass music. In my opinion there are three distinctive discourses/narrations about history and meaning this festival and specific kind of music: dominating Serbian discourse, ‘weak’ Gypsy discourse, and researcher’s discourse. This study is effect an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2010 by an author and large group of students from Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology Adam Mickiewicz University Poznań, Poland.

8

Z genealogii nacjonalizmów w Hiszpanii, rec. książki: Magda Melnyk, Dlaczego Hiszpania trzeszczy?

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Kubiaczyk F.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2020

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nr 21

151-158

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25 YEARS AFTER THE COMMUNISM IN EUROPE: PHENOMENA, PROBLEMS AND TEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS: Political backlash in postcommunist Poland – the alliances between nationalist far right and working class 25 years after the decline of communism

80%

Konopka A.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2016

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tom 17(1)

39-51

10

Scottish Independence Vote in 2014 and its Nationalist Dimension

80%

Dąbrowska I.

Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne

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2012

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tom 9

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nr 9

49-62

PL

The article concerns one of the most important referenda in the history of the United Kingdom – a vote on Scotland’s independence to be held at the end of the 2014, following the Scottish National Party’s (SNP’s) victory in the Scottish elections in 2011. The referendum may become decisive to the future of the Kingdom and its likely break-up; likewise it may trigger a serious debate on Scotland’s political and legal status in the British national power structures. Above all, the article aims at analysing the issue of Scottish nationalism and the chances of nationalist movement on the political scene. The reforms conducted so far, i.e. the enlargement of Scottish autonomy, including the re-establishing of Parliament in Holyrood in 1999, have not satisfied the Scottish electorate’s aspirations. The article attempts to answer whether the SNP’s popularity is due to Scots’ being tired of the traditional political power structures and their dependence on Westminster, or whether it is an authentic sign of maturity and conviction that Scotland may gain economically and politically becoming independent of Westminster.

11

Between Multiculturalism and Nationalism - A Discursive Construction of Britishness in theSpectatorin the Wake of the London Bombings

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Molek-Kozakowska K.

Lodz Papers in Pragmatics

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2008

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tom 4

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nr 2

293-309

EN

In his interdisciplinary work Ideology (1998), Teun A. van Dijk proposes to study ideology as a cognitive, social and linguistic enterprise. Such an integrative approach is assumed to model interfaces between social structure and cognition through discourse. The notion of ideology it presupposes may be described as shared social representations (group self-schemata), which become a group's defining attributes, and govern its ideological expression in discourse. It seems that this approach can be productively applied to a study of ideological relations in the discourses of multicultural societies, such as Britain.In the wake of the London bombings in July 2005, the British rightwing quality weekly the Spectator published a series of articles raising alarming questions about the misguided ideological priorities of modern Britain, and envisioning a deepening crisis of national identity. According to the magazine, the heritage and values of mainstream British society are being endangered by the political promotion of multiculturalism. This in turn has instigated terrorist threats from Islamic extremists, who have been nurtured by the British welfare state and emboldened by its permissive policies. Thus the increasing ideological split between the militancy of the non-integrated Muslim minority in Britain and the decadence of national culture has become the subject of a number of articles. As a result, one of the pervasive discursive mechanisms emerging in the publication has been an ideological confrontation between "us" and "them"The aim of the present study is to survey the pragmatic and rhetorical devices used to construct the image of British society tied in a discursive struggle to define its modern identity-oscillating between the ideals of multiculturalism and the ideology of nationalism. The material for the study is taken from over fifteen articles that come from three subsequent issues of the Spectator published on 16, 23, and 30 July 2005. The methodological framework of the study draws on the research procedures of Critical Discourse Analysis accommodated to the analysis of ideological discourse in the press.

12

Čestné měšťanství a občanství jako konfliktní pole politických vztahů: české země 1849-1920

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Lhoták J. , Miller S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2023

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tom 121

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nr 4

1111-1149

EN

The presented paper deals with the symbolic institute of honorary burgher status and citizenship, which arose from the originally medieval granting of burgher rights and after 1850 became a fixed part of the legislation of municipal foundations as a manifestation of the highest honour that local governments could endow. In its first part, the study follows the legislative development within the Austrian Empire (Austria-Hungary) with special attention to the Czech lands. The second part then, using the example of specific cases, formulates a thesis about the conflicting dimension of honorary burgher status/citizenship against the background of political struggles, conditioned by the electoral participation of its laureates – first in the struggles between conservatism and liberalism, later in the national dimension and struggles for national emancipation. The conclusion of the study approximates the demise of the honorary burgher status and its narrowing into a purely symbolic institute, which, however, continues to express periodconditioned political awards and preferences.

13

Analysis of the strategies used in Bangladesh’s Liberation War with West Pakistan against the background of the Cold War

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Firdaus M. R. S. , Perwita A. A. B. , Hendra A. , Hadianto M.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2024

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tom Vol. 45, No. 1

68--81

EN

This article intends to analyse the events which unfolded around Bangladesh’s War of Independence (1971). In retrospect, initially the war was Bangladesh’s attempt at gaining independence from Pakistan, which was to begin with recognition as the country’s eastern province. Specifically, the authors want to flesh out the aspects of irregular warfare, insurgency strategy, and the total people’s war in a case study. To do this, this qualitative article employs a historiographic analytical lens in its analysis. Furthermore, in its methodology section, the authors outline J.D. Kiras’ four concepts behind a successful insurgency, and Abdul H. Nasution’s proposition of “nationalism” as the article’s theoretical framework. These concepts include space, time, support, and legitimacy. The results of this study show that, firstly, the Bangladeshis could utilise the “space” aspect by exploiting geographical differences. Secondly, the events related to natural disasters that occurred gave impetus to the revolt. Thirdly, the world’s support highlighted the challenging circumstances for Bangladeshis. Fourthly, Bangladesh acquired legitimacy while advocating for the release of political prisoners from Lahore. Finally, nationalism is showcased in the fight because of the work of intellectuals and nationalists. Overall, Bangladesh’s War of Independence produced mixed results with regard to this article’s theoretical framework.

14

Nationalism: A Theoretical Approach

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Çınar S.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

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nr 46 (53)

171-178

EN

The origin of the first research on the definition of nationalism dates back to the 18th century. Thus, the formation of the concept of nationalism was influenced by the Industrial Revolution, and then the concept continued to develop until today. The aim of the article is to explain the basic arguments of modernist nationalism theories and their shortcomings.

15

Myšlenka zavedení všeobecného, rovného a přímého volebního práva v obecném a českém kontextu

80%

Velek L.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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tom 1

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nr 1

58-67

EN

The article summarizes discussions and ideas of the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century expressed by the Czech society and its political leaders on introduction of the universal suffrage and on the appropriate level of its equality. While putting opinions oscillating between conservatives, socialists, liberals and liberal democrats into the context of similar all-European debates, the article deals with arguments of various political and Word view-related groupings and summarizes causes and results of individual attitudes toward solving this crucial issue of the modern European society. On top of the political and social impact of the universal suffrage introduction it also takes into consideration the gender problem, i.e. the admissibility of the women’s suffrage.

16

Kolektivní identity v mediálních reprezentacích Sčítání lidu, domů a bytů 2011

80%

Zalabáková J.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2014

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tom 12

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nr 1

50-58

EN

This paper deals with the representation of national and ethnic identity categories in media texts during the Population and Housing Census 2011. Census is understood here as means of constructing collective identities not as clearly pre-defined categories but as socially and media shaped parts of an individual identity. The aim of this study is thus to analyze media representations of Population and Housing Census 2011 as an event that highlights the negotiation of collective identities and the processes of the so called “identitary mobilization”. Quantitative analysis of selected articles from national newspapers enriched by findings of qualitative analysis of comments and videos from the new media shows, among others, that the Census is often represented through a kind of media discourse called national in this paper and that the processes of identitary mobilization acquire specific forms during the Census, although probably not limited to its actual period.

17

Imperium Słowiańskie. Konfederacki projekt powojennej jedności Europy Środkowej

80%

Grott O.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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nr 11

205-217

EN

The Confederation of the Nation, the ideological continuation of the National Radical Camp Falanga during the Second World War, created a concept for the post-war order in Central Europe which would be guaranteed by a new geo-political construct – the Slavic Empire – with borders defined by the three seas: the Baltic, the Black and the Adriatic. Poland, with its Western borders significantly expanded compared to the pre-war period and in union with Lithuania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, would take the lead of the proposed block. Despite the name of the proposed supernation, the Baltic countries as well as Romania and Hungary were welcome to participate in shaping the new future. The Confederates did not see any other option for either Poland or any other countries of the Intermarium. The leader of the Confederation of the Nation Bolesław Piasecki wrote: „No other choice remains, as either we, as the culturally paramount nation among the Slavs, take up and implement the idea of designing the geo-political Slavic bloc, or the Poles and all Slavs fall into a civilizational abyss, becoming slaves to foreign forces and their own unawareness. (…) If our iron will is lacking, it is easy to imagine Europe without Poland and the rest of Slavs as actors of history”.

18

Romanian Orthodox Church and the State Testing Pedro Ramet’s Model

80%

Timofeychev R.

Polish Sociological Review

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2008

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tom 160

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nr 4

467-480

EN

This paper analyzes the types of relationships which have been established between the Orthodox Romanian Church and the state starting with the 1866 Constitution. It critically assesses the theoretical model proposed by Pedro Ramet (1987) and reorganizes it applying its basic principles and its structure to the Romanian case study. Taking into consideration the various elements of the model, the study concludes that currently in spite of a delimitation of the religious sphere from the political one, in practice in post-communist Romania the connection between Church and state is much more blurred.

19

Europeanization of the Balkans within an Identity-Based Framework

80%

Eriksen M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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nr 6(37)

193-207

EN

The process of Europeanization has been traditionally associated with an economic and political transformation, often undermining the value‑based residual effects such as the state’s or group’s acquiescence to take on a European identity. This dual nature of Europeanization is particularly important in the Balkans, where a highly established sense of self is deeply embedded in the fiber of its people. The goal of a unified Europe, and the Balkan ability or even willingness to become “European” is central to this paper’s analytical approach. A key facet of Europeanization is to create, promote and, more importantly, sustain a sense of a pan‑European identity. However, within multi‑ ethnic and conflicting environments the idea of a national identity is often irresolute, as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The paper tries to conceptualize the notion of Europeanization from a firmly identity‑based framework, discrediting the essentialist approach to identity formation in favor of a more constructivist model. It argues that the notion of a European identity is in fact a shared social value, rather than a tangible idea easily applicable to every situation, and with the Balkans being a particularly difficult case study. In essence, the underlying question is what does the process of Europeanization really mean and how viable is it in the context of a complex environment such as the Balkans?

20

Premenlivosť či stálosť reprezentácií Ľudovíta Štúra v maďarskej historiografii? Na príklade Steierových diel o slovenskej otázke

80%

Kurhajcová A.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

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2015

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tom 18

199-213

DE

Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der Problematik der Betrachtung von Ľudovít Štúr im Rahmen der ungarischen (d. h. magyarischen) Geschichtsschreibung in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Über drei wesentliche historische Werke vom Historiker und Publizist Lajos Steier, in denen sich er der Geschichte der slowakischen Frage mit Bezug auf die Revolutionsjahre 1848/49 widmete, beobachtet und erfasst man die Stabilität oder vice versa Variabilität Štúr´s Repräsentationen – eines wichtigen Ideologen der slowakischen nationalen Identität. Durch Analyse seiner Publikationen – Slowakische Frage (1912), Tschechen und Slowaken (1919), Slowakische ethnische Frage in 1848 – 1849 (1937) – achtet man nicht nur auf die Interpretation von Ľ. Štúr, seiner Person, Charaktereigenschaften oder Politik, sondern auch auf den zeitgemäßen Kontext (politischen, geopolitischen, ideologischen), der die Steier´s Auslegung der slowakischen nationalen Emanzipationsbewegung und ihrer Führer aus den 30er und 40er Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts beeinflusste.