Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Eric Voegelin wobec narodowego socjalizmu. Próba filozoficzno-religijnej interpretacji zjawiska

100%

Wielomski A.

Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

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2010

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tom 32

33-54

EN

The article is devoted to Eric Voegelin’s efforts at the interpretation of National Socialism. He was a prominent Austrian historian of philosophy who escaped from the Third Reich to the United States. Voegelin’s philosophy grew out of the crisis of classical philosophy and from its confrontation with modernist thought out of which National Socialism itself also sprouted. Nevertheless this author analyzed the phenomenon of Fascism in only one book, namely Hitler und die Deutschen. There are many indications that Voegelin believed that his work was truly groundbreaking as far as the phenomenon of Nazism is concerned. The fact that its reception was not particularly favorable was for him a source of deep anguish and disappointment. The article encompasses the analysis of aforementioned book and its comparison with other works by Voegelin. According to the author of this text, the failure of the Austrian historian’s book was a result of its banality. Voegelin made a quite a simplistic claim that German people at large are responsible for the emergence of Fascism. Although his political preferences ought to be described as conservative, he still maintained that Catholic and Evangelical Churches also can be blamed for excesses of National Socialism (this opinion disqualified his book among right-wing readers). At the same time representatives of leftleaning audience refused to read and acknowledge Voegelin’s book due to the author’s generally right-wing viewpoint.

2

Domniemane i rzeczywiste kontakty prominentów nazistowskich z polskością przed 1933 rokiem

88%

Kapica W.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2016

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tom 38

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nr 2

35-79

EN

The article is an attempt to examine the contacts of prominent Nazis with Polishness before 1933. The author looks at these contacts with regard to the place of birth, living in a given place until 1918, living in a given place in the inter-war period (1918–1933), participation in the First World War in Poland, participation in Polish-German fighting in 1918–1921, having a Polish-sounding name and impact of all these factors on the period of the Second World War (German occupation of Poland).

3

Scheler and Clauss on the Possibility of a Phenomenological Theory of Race

88%

Gniazdowski A.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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nr 3

139-155

EN

This paper attempts to answer questions about, first, the historical motives which brought the “race” issue into the focus of phenomenological reflection, and, secondly, the theoretical grounding for calling such reflection “phenomenological.”1 The basis for this reconstruction will be the psychological race theory developed in the 1920s and 30s by Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, a somewhat forgotten student of Edmund Husserl, and its rooting in the history of the phenomenological movement. Discussed will be both, the theory’s historical background—which, in keeping with the paper’s main thesis, is best-expressed by Max Scheler’s reflections on “European patriotism”—and its relation to Husserl’s concept of phenomenology as a “strictly scientific philosophy.”

4

„Ich bin kein Kommunist und bin nie einer gewesen“: Klaus Manns Auseinandersetzung mit dem Kommunismus

88%

Gołaszewski M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica

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2022

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nr 16

91-101

EN

Klaus Mann (1906–1949) belonged to generation influenced by the two World Wars, burgeoning communism, and rising nationalism. Political component in his work is very strongly articulated not only in novels and essays, but also in autobiographical work. This emphasises his fascination in times he lived, but most of all it expresses his own involvement in fighting the evil which in his eyes were represented by Hitler and Nazism. In Mann’s eyes communism was not solely represented as a political system, but rather an ally in his personal crusade. In the literature there is often a question asked whether Klaus Mann was a communist or an ideologist whose majority of opinions were in line with ideological assumptions and values of the communist system. Despite clear declarations of the author himself, it is worth to look into his inner development: from fascination through growing distance and eventually disappointment which resulted in detaching himself from the communist ideas.

5

Das Bild des Bischofs Carl Maria Splett im historischen Gedächtnis in Polen und in Deutschland

88%

Aleksandra K.-P.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2014

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tom 36

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nr 1

23 - 34

EN

Over the years the opinions about Bishop Carl Maria Splett have varied; the bishop has been surrounded by a lot of controversy. The conduct of the Bishop of Gdańsk during the Second World War is far from unequivocal. Everything depends on the point of view. In her brief article the author examines the evolution of the historical memory of Bishop Carl Maria Splett and its transformations over the years in Poland and Germany. The memory of Bishop Splett has evolved differently in both these countries. Before 1989 he was seen in Poland as an enemy of Polishness and a Hakatist. After the political transformations in the early 1990s he began to be viewed in a more positive light. In Germany, on the other hand, the historical memory of Bishop Splett was and still is very positive. However, in the 1960s and 1970s the image of Bishop Splett was more apologetic than it is now. To sum up, it could be said that today the image of Bishop Carl Maria Splett in the historical memory in Poland and Germany has become very homogeneous.

6

Thomas Mann und Erich Kästner: E(rnst) versus U(nterhaltung), Exilliteratur versus Literatur unter Schreibverbot in der ‚inneren Emigration’

75%

Grothues S. , Institut für Germanistik A. L. u. Ä. d. L. i. e. K.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica

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2015

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tom 11

EN

The writers Thomas Mann (1875–1955) and Erich Kästner (1899–1974) took in the years between 1933 and 1945 (in the so called ‘Third Reich’) extreme positions of inner and outer emigration, which can be shown concerning autobiographical aspects and concerning their works which they wrote during the time of national socialism. While Kästner, who represents the inner emigration, wrote humorous stories like "Drei Männer im Schnee" and "Der kleine Grenzverkehr", Mann completed his tetralogy of "Joseph und seine Brüder", which deals with the foundation and development of the monotheistic jewish world religion, in France, Switzerland and America where in 1943 he began his dark artist novel "Doktor Faustus", while in Europe internicine warfare and the Shoa were in progress. While Erich Kästner, who was a very engaged political author in the so called Weimar Republic, was captivated during the period of national socialism by his inwardness, Thomas Mann released himself from this attitude in view of the Third Reich and became an emancipated author who was politically engaged and with moral integrity.

7

Wódz, naród, rasa. Ideologiczne przesłanki nazistowskich koncepcji prawa

75%

Maciejewski M.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2017

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tom 39

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nr 1

19-43

EN

The subject matter of the article is devoted to discussing the ideological premises of the content, aims, and functions of Nazi law from the perspective of the legal theoreticians and practitioners of the Third Reich. Firstly, the significance and role of the supreme leader (the Führer) of the National Socialists and Germany in asingle person, namely Adolf Hitler, is discussed. The legal doctrine of the Nazi state perceived him — just as he did himself — to be the basic source of law and treated his political decisions as such. In fact, these decisions were even thought to stand above the Weimar Constitution of 1919 (which was only formally in force) and other pieces of legislation. Hitler was not merely viewed as the supreme legislator, but also as the highest judge, acting by the will of the German nation. Judicial decisions in the Third Reich were issued on his behalf. According to Nazi lawyers, Hitler as Führer embodied and articulated the will of the German nation, whose needs, interests, and aspirations were considered the purpose behind the functioning of the state and the Reich’s law. Furthermore, the German national community (deutsche Volksgemeinaschaft) rose to the rank of the near absolute determinant of the law’s form and content. It was, in fact, the reference for one of the important principles of Nazi law, i.e. the common good before personal good (Gemeinnutz vor Eigennutz) — hence, anegation of the concepts of individualism, including the unchallengeable nature of private property. In addition, the ideological premises of the Nazi concept of law also comprised racial issues. The Third Reich placed particular emphasis on racial purity and hygiene — which referred predominantly to the Germanic race — as acondition for the German national community’s healthy functioning. Nazi law, inter alia, was supposed to serve precisely that end. The legal doctrine in Germany at the time adopted the unequivocal position that the law — together with the administration of justice — should be one of the most important guards of the longevity and purity of the Germanic race (sometimes referred to as the Aryan race). This stipulation, which for the most part was consistently implemented, was closely linked to the National Socialists’ almost zoological antisemitism. It was reflected in numerous normative acts by the Third Reich’s authorities targeting the Jewish population in Germany and the countries it occupied during WWII.

8

Zum Nationalsozialismus in der österreichischen Gegenwartsliteratur: Paulus Hochgatterers Erzählung „Der Tag, an dem mein Großvater ein Held war“ (2017)

75%

Stocker G.

Studia Germanica Posnaniensia

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2019

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nr 40

63-74

EN

The article examines Paulus Hochgatterers story Der Tag, an dem mein Großvater ein Held war (2017) as specific literary contribution to contemporary Austrian memory culture, especially concerning the remembrance of the crimes of national socialism. The text’s particular approach to the subject, which is notorious in Austria at least since the 1980s, can be seen in the topographical positioning of the events in the backup area, their temporal positioning in the “state of exception” (G. Agamben) of the last weeks of WW II and especially in the narrative construction of alternative scenarios.

DE

Der Beitrag untersucht Paulus Hochgatterers 2017 erschienene Erzählung Der Tag, an dem mein Großvater ein Held war als spezifisch literarischen Beitrag zur gegenwärtigen österreichischen Erinnerungskultur bzgl. der nationalsozialistischen Verbrechen. Die besondere Herangehensweise des Textes an das in der österreichischen Literatur spätestens seit den 1980er Jahren notorische Thema wird dabei an der räumlichen Situierung des Geschehens im Hinterland, der zeitlichen Situierung im „Ausnahmezustand“ (G. Agamben) der letzten Kriegswochen, vor allem aber in dem erzählerischen Entwurf von Alternativszenarien festgemacht.

9

Medizinische Versorgung polnischer Zwangsarbeiter in der Region Bielefeld

71%

Kwieciński W.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica – Aesthetica – Practica

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2020

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nr 37

67-86

EN

Polish and Soviet forced laborers labelled in the Nazi ideology as “Untermenschen” were the worst treated nationalities among those employed by the Third Reich and its war machine. The treatment of Poles and Russians was entirely subordinated to the racial ideology with its profound impact on the law and social and economic conditions. This ideology ordered, on the one hand, the precise separation of Polish and Soviet forced laborers from German citizens, and on the other, the optimal organization of the forced labor which meant its entire subordination to the German state and its industry. The result of such an organization was an entirely repressive, even beastly system, with miserable living conditions and most inferior medical care. Both living conditions and medical treatment show, as in a lens, the main objectives of the Nazi state and its dehumanized character. Bielefeld Stadt und Land, located in north-east Westphalia, due to its mixed industrial (mostly arms industry) and agricultural character, constitutes a representative example of the brutal and repressive system of the forced labor industry reflecting the entire spectrum of problems related to it. The analysis of medical care in the Bielefeld area illustrates the differences between the two groups of Polish forced laborers. The first consists of people in the industry sector, while the second is a mixed category including workers employed in agriculture, the service sector and domestic help. As far as the first group is concerned, the status of the workers was to some extent standardized. Most of them were accommodated in the camps and subjected to brutal and systematic exploitation, which was calculated to maximize production effects, and at the same time, to destroy individuals through the adverse conditions of accommodation and minimal medical care. This inhumane treatment was a result of racist ideology. Status, employment conditions and medical care in the second group were much more diverse. We are dealing here with the entire spectrum, often of extremely different experiences of forced laborers with medical personnel and the diverse attitudes of the employers. The fundamental problem of the limited research materials on the discussed issues are deficiencies of the source base. In particular this concerns the limited recollections of the forced laborers themselves. Currently, it is virtually impossible to increase the source dossier, as witnesses of these events are mostly no longer available.

DE

Polnische und sowjetische Zwangsarbeiter, die in der nationalsozialistischen Ideologie als „Untermenschen“ galten, waren die am stärksten diskriminierten Nationalitäten unter den ausländischen Beschäftigten in der Kriegswirtschaft des „Dritten Reiches“. Ihre gesamten Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen waren der Rassenideologie untergeordnet. Diese Ideologie vertrug sich in hervorragender Weise mit der systematischen Ausbeutung ihrer Arbeitskraft. Das Ergebnis des Zwangsarbeitersystems war ein völlig repressives, sogar unmenschliches System mit miserablen Lebensbedingungen und minderwertiger medizinischer Versorgung. Sowohl die Lebensbedingungen als auch die medizinische Behandlung zeigen wie in einem Brennglas die Hauptziele des NS-Staates und seinen rassistischen und entmenschlichten Charakter. Die im Nordosten Westfalens gelegene Stadt und der Landkreis Bielefeld sind aufgrund ihres gemischt industriellen und landwirtschaftlichen Charakters ein repräsentatives Beispiel für das brutale und repressive System der Zwangsarbeitsindustrie und spiegelt so das gesamte Spektrum der mit der Zwangsarbeit verbundenen Probleme wider. Die Analyse der medizinischen Versorgung im Raum Bielefeld ermöglicht die Unterscheidung zweier Gruppen polnischer Zwangsarbeiter. Die erste Gruppe besteht aus Personen, die in der Industrie beschäftigt sind, während die andere Gruppe eine gemischte Kategorie ist, die Arbeitnehmer aus den Bereichen Landwirtschaft, Dienstleistungssektor und Haushaltshilfe in Privathaushalten umfasst. In der ersten Gruppe war der Status der Arbeitnehmer in der Regel standardisiert. Die meisten von ihnen wurden in den Lagern untergebracht und einer brutalen und systematischen Ausbeutung unterzogen, die darauf ausgerichtet war, die Produktionseffekte zu maximieren und gleichzeitig Personen infolge widriger Arbeits- und Unterbringungsbedingungen und minimaler medizinischer Versorgung zu vernichten. Diese unmenschliche Behandlung war ein Derivat der rassistischen Ideologie. Status, Beschäftigungsbedingungen und medizinische Versorgung in der zweiten Gruppe waren viel uneinheitlicher und stärker von ganz unterschiedlichen Bedingungen abhängig. Wir haben es hier mit einer breiten Palette von Problemen zu tun, oft verbunden mit extrem unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen von Zwangsarbeitern mit dem medizinischen Personal und unterschiedlichen Einstellungen der Arbeitgeber zu den Zwangsarbeitern. Begrenzt wird die Aussagekraft unserer Darstellung durch die oft beschränkte Quellenlage. Insbesondere betrifft das den begrenzten Fundus an schriftlich festgehaltenen Erinnerungen der Zwangsarbeiter. Heute ist es praktisch unmöglich, das Quellenreservoir zu erweitern, da die Zeugen dieser Ereignisse nicht mehr zur Verfügung stehen.

10

Kazimierz Dagnan: polski narodowy socjalista

63%

Tomasiewicz J.

Polish Biographical Studies

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2018

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nr 6

89-111

EN

Kazimierz Dagnan (1891-1986) was an extraordinary, but practically forgotten today, figure. The activist of the independence conspiracy before the World War I, and the Piłsudski’s legionnaire had an almost archetypal biography for a generation of fighters for independence. In independent Poland, he found himself in the government administration, but he did not limit himself to an administrative career. He followed his own path, faithful to your ideals connecting the cause of Polish independence with the idea of the emancipation of the working class. He was active on the pro-Piłsudski wing of the National Workers’ Party (NWP), and after the coup d’etat in 1926 he became involved in the splinter pro-regime NWP-Leftgroup. He was an ideologist of the national workers’ movement, stubbornly trying to radicalize him. Making a synthesis of nationalism, democracy and reformist socialism, he created the original Polish national-socialist ideology. This ideology assumed the construction of a „People’s Poland of Labour” as a democratic state in which grassroots socialization of the means of production and exchange would gradually proceed. The priority for Dagnan still was the sovereignty of the Polish state and the primacy of the Polish (ethnic) nation in this state. The political expression of this ideology was the Party of National Socialists created in 1933, which, however, did not succeed and vegetated on the margins of political life. During World War II, Dagnan returned to his native Nowy Sącz. In People’s Poland, he began a second life there - as an artist and social activist valued in the local community.

11

Sozialpsychologische Parallele zwischen dem Filmstoff und dem Nationalsozialismus in Von Caligari zu Hitler von Siegfried Kracauer

63%

Tomczuk D.

Annales Neophilologiarum

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2013

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nr 7

183-192

EN

The article refers not only to the writings of Siegfried Kracauer, a G erman essayist, film and art theorist, philosopher and prose writer, but also, and even in particular, to his monumental essay entitled From Caligari to Hitler. A Psychological History of the German Film. The most important issue he was interested in was the problem of different types of mentality and their psycho-social predisposition with particular reference to national socialism. Viewing the film as the picture of mentality of the nation, Kracauer describes the story of early German cinema taking into account not only Hitler and his later coming to power but also showing “inner predispositon of the nation”, which had an influence on the course of history. The autor especially studies psycho-social analogies between development of national socialism in G ermany and a famous film of Robert Wiene of 1920, enitled The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, which is considered to be not only a leading example of expressionism in G erman cinema, but also one of the milestones in the film history of the world.

PL

Artykuł dotyczy twórczości Siegfrieda Kracauera (1889-1966) – niemieckiego eseisty, teoretyka filmu i sztuki, filozofa i prozaika, a zwłaszcza jego monumentalnego eseju Od Caligariego do Hitlera. Psyychologiczna historia filmu niemieckiego. Istotnym przedmiotem zainteresowań Kracauera był problem typów mentalności i ich psychospołecznych dyspozycji ze szczególnym odniesieniem do narodowego socjalizmu. Traktując film jako odbicie mentalności narodu (gdyż nie stanowi on nigdy dzieła jednostki, lecz jest efektem pracy kolektywu), Kracauer omawia historię początków kina niemieckiego pod kątem późniejszego dojścia do władzy przez Hitlera, ukazując „wewnętrzną dyspozycję” narodu, mającą wpływ na bieg historii. Analizie poddane zostają zwłaszcza psychospołeczne analogie między rozwojem narodowego socjalizmu w Niemczech a znanym filmem Roberta Wiene z roku 1920 Gabinet Dr. Caligari, uznawanym nie tylko za sztandarowy przykład ekspresjonizmu w kinie niemieckim, ale i za jeden z kamieni milowych w historii światowego kina.

12

Philosophical and Religious Roots of National Socialism

63%

Strutyński M.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2020

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nr 52

PL

Poznanie źródeł narodowego socjalizmu wymaga odniesienia się do religijnych i filozoficznych źródeł kultury niemieckiej. Takie badania przeprowadzili Bogdan Suchodolski oraz Leon Halban, których prace zostały zamieszczone w recenzowanej książce. Ich badania pokazują, że także przy analizowaniu współczesnych zjawisk politycznych konieczne jest sięgnięcie do zagadnień aksjologicznych.

EN

Understanding the sources of national socialism requires exploring religious and philosophical sources of German culture. Such research was carried out by Bogdan Suchodolski and Leon Halban, whose work was included in this book. Their research shows that it is necessary to refer to axiological issues when analyzing contemporary political phenomena.

13

Rasizm w koncepcjach środowisk politycznych w Polsce na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

63%

Strutyński M.

Tematy z Szewskiej

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2014

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nr Rasa 4(14)/2014

33-49

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie polskich środowisk politycznych funkcjonujących na przełomie XX i XX wieku, w których zasadach ideowych obecne są kwestie rasistowskie. Zwrócić należy uwagę na rozmaitość środowisk rasistowskich. Znajdują się wśród nich grupy skinheadów; poglądy rasistowskie obecne są także wśród części przedstawicieli polskiego neopogaństwa. Odrębną kwestią jest obecność w Polsce międzynarodowych organizacji rasistowskich (Blood&Honour, Kościół Twórcy).

EN

The article presents Polish political movements which spread racist ideas at the turn of the 21st century. The variety of racist groups is one point of interest, since it includes both skinheads and slavic neopagans. Another point is presence of international racist organizations (Blood&Honour, The World Church of the Creator) in Poland.

14

Rewolucja nihilizmu. Narodowy socjalizm a realizm polityczny w myśli Hermanna Rauschninga

63%

Ambrożek M.

Świat Idei i Polityki

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2017

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nr 16

42-61

PL

Artykuł traktuje o realizmie politycznym u Hermanna Rauschninga. Pokrótce zostały tu omówione historyczne podwaliny poglądów H. Rauschninga, zestawienie teorii realizmu politycznego z jej wersją u niemieckiego autora, wyróżnienie dwóch typów realizmu oraz zestawienie teorii z praktyką. Autor chciał podkreślić defensywny charakter rauschningowskiego realizmu nastawiony na obronę stanu posiadania sprzed rewolucji narodowosocjalistycznej. H. Rauschning nie wymagał od realistów tworzenia nowych podejść – opierał się na założeniu, że kontynuowanie polityki pokojowego rozwoju stosunków między państwami podtrzyma pomyślną koniunkturę. W temacie dwóch typów realizmu, H. Rauschning wymienił realizm sensu stricto, opierający się na wcześniej wymienionej obronie stanu posiadania oraz realizm narodowosocjalistyczny, który opierał się na podporządkowaniu prawideł prowadzenia działania politycznego dla abstrakcyjnych celów. Zdaniem H. Rauschninga, takie działanie wypaczało sens realizmu, ponieważ z jednej strony zacierało granicę między rzeczywistymi uwarunkowaniami polityki a spłaszczeniem ideologicznym; z drugiej strony stwarzało możliwość realizowania scenariusza politycznego niezgodnego z żywotnymi interesami społeczności, która została objęta jurysdykcją danej władzy. Autor wymieniał także enumeratywnie zagrożenia związane z wypaczonym stosowaniem wyznaczników teorii realizmu, które prowadziły do utraty pierwotnego znaczenia przez uniwersalne pojęcia polityczne.

EN

The article deals with the political realism of Hermann Rauschning. Briefly discussing the historical backgrounds of Rauschning’s views, the theory of political realism with its version in the German author, the distinction of two types of realism, and the compilation of theory and practice. The author wanted to emphasize the defensive character of the Rauschning’s realism aimed at defending the state of possession before the National Socialist revolution. Rauschning did not require realists to create new approaches- it was based on the premise that continuing the policy of peaceful development of relations between states would sustain a prosperous situation. In the topic of two types of realism, Rauschning listed the perfect realism, based on the previously mentioned defense of state of possession and national-socialistic realism, which was based on subordinating the rules of political action to abstract purposes. According to Rauschning, such action distorted the sense of realism, because on the one hand it blurred the boundary between real policy conditioning and ideological flattening; On the other hand, it provided the opportunity to pursue a political scenario that was incompatible with the vital interests of the community, which fell under the jurisdiction of the authority. The author also listed extensively the dangers associated with the distorted use of the determinants of the theory of realism, which led to the loss of primordial significance by universal political concepts.

15

Dietrich Eckart. U organizacyjnych i ideowych podstaw nazizmu (1919–1923)

63%

Maciejewski M.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)

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2019

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tom 66

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nr 1

EN

The article analyzes the significance and the role played by Dietrich Eckart – a German poet and a political writer from Munich – for the development on Adolf Hitler’s early political career and for the shaping of political views of the future leader of the Third Reich. As the author concludes, Eckart’s influence on Hitler’s political activity and ideas during the first few years after World War One would be difficult to overestimate. Eckart proved himself then to be one of the most important mentors of Hitler – as his teacher, adviser and supporter who made it possible for the latter to make valuable and useful contacts in nationalist intellectual, military and industrial circles of Bavaria. To a significant degree, Hitler borrowed from Eckart, who was an ardent Anti-Semite, a number of arguments against Jews and accusations leveled against them. Hitler also partly based his criticism of the democratic system in Germany after World War One on Eckart’s views which were sharply hostile towards the Weimar Republic. Eckart was one of the very few people from Hitler’s closest ranks towards whom the future leader of Germany managed to show – in Mein Kampf – gratitude and respect for the former’s support and aid during the first few years of the existence of the Nazi organization.

PL

Artykuł dotyczy znaczenia i roli poety i publicysty niemieckiego z Monachium – Dietricha Eckarta – dla rozwoju wczesnej kariery politycznej Adolfa Hitlera i kształtowania się politycznych poglądów przyszłego wodza Trzeciej Rzeszy. Jak wynika z wywodów autora, wpływ Eckarta na polityczną działalność i zapatrywania Hitlera w kilku pierwszych latach po zakończeniu wojny światowej był trudny do przecenienia. Eckart okazał się wtedy jednym z najważniejszych mentorów Hitlera – jako jego nauczyciel, doradca i poplecznik, który umożliwił mu nawiązanie cennych i pożytecznych kontaktów w nacjonalistycznych środowiskach intelektualnych, wojskowych i przemysłowych w stolicy Bawarii. W znacznej mierze od Eckarta, zagorzałego antysemity, Hitler zapożyczył wiele argumentów przeciwko Żydom i wymierzonych w nich oskarżeń. Częściowo na wrogich tzw. republice weimarskiej poglądach Eckarta oparł także swoją krytykę demokratycznego ustroju Niemiec po I wojnie światowej. Eckart był jedną z niewielu osób z najbliższego otoczenia Hitlera, wobec których przyszły wódz Niemiec zdobył się na okazanie w Mein Kampf wdzięczności i szacunku za wsparcie i pomoc ze strony tego publicysty w kilku pierwszych latach działalności organizacji nazistowskiej.

16

"Labout that serves the Good of all". Technocratic ideals and Czech experts in cooperation with Nazis in Bohemia and Moravia

63%

Šustrová R.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2020

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tom 12

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nr 2

36-69

EN

The article examines the collaboration between the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Polish government in the interwar period. By looking at the creation and administration of knowledge, it focusses on the effects of governance. Building on Bourdieu’s idea of the official as a “social fiction”, on administration as a performative act, it shows how the mentioned collaboration used and created knowledge and how this knowledge did not only reflect reality, but how it also shaped realities. Additionally, it shows how a certain tension between idealism and administration was characteristic for the ILO as an International Organization. Hence, the article looks not only at the negotiated contents, but also at the forms of data and the modes of transferring it, especially by international comparisons. In this sense the article examines the correspondences and reports of the ILO office in Warsaw, on labour standards, and on the 8-hour day as topics by which the newly established nation state as well as the international organisation coconstituted each other. By looking at the transition phase from 1919 to 1926, it also examines the continuities in administrative practices during the state building process as well as after the Piłsudski coup d’état of 1926.

17

Obraz Polaków w szkoleniu światopoglądowym niemieckiej Policji Porządkowej w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie (1939–1945)

51%

Przegiętka M.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2018

|

tom 50

|

nr 4

EN

Artykuł dotyczy negatywnego i zgodnego z linią propagandy III Rzeszy obrazu Polaków, który był kreowany w szkoleniu światopoglądowym niemieckiej Policji Porządkowej w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie w latach 1939–1945. Odwoływano się w nim do zakorzenionych w Niemczech pejoratywnych stereotypów, dehumanizując ludność okupowanego kraju, co nie pozostawało bez wpływu na postawy i zachowania funkcjonariuszy niemieckiej Policji Porządkowej. The article deals with a negative image of Polish people created in line with the propaganda of the Third Reich by the ideological trainings for the German Ordnungspolizei (Order Police) in the General Government in 1939–45. The image was based on negative stereotypes popular in Germany that dehumanized the population of the occupied country; this was not without influence on the attitudes and behaviour of functionaries of the German Order Police.

18

Federalne Ministerstwo Sprawiedliwości RFN w cieniu narodowosocjalistycznej przeszłości – znaczenie projektu Rosenburg w Polsce

51%

Bainczyk M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2019

|

nr 4

193-206

EN

In 2012, the Federal Ministry of Justice in Germany set up an Independent Commission to investigate the Ministry’s handling of the Nazi past in the early years of the West Germany. The findings of the investigation were presented 2016 in a book under the title „Rosenburg files” and later in exhibitions both in German and English language. The findings are shocking. More than half of all senior staff of the Federal Ministry of Justice had been former Nazi collaborators and one in five had been a member of the SA. This personnel continuity had very important consequences also for Poland and its citizens for example: discrimination against former victims, Nazi criminals were barely prosecuted. The personnel-based and approach-based continuities had serious consequences for a process of building a democratic state based on rule of law. All these aspects have been shortly analyzed in the article.

PL

W 2012 r. Federalne Ministerstwo Sprawiedliwości i Ochrony Konsumenta w Niemczech powołało Niezależną Komisje Naukową w celu zbadania stosunku ministerstwa do nazistowskiej przeszłości we wczesnych latach Niemiec Zachodnich. Rezultaty pracy komisji zostały zaprezentowane w 2016 r. w formie książki pod tytułem „Akta Rosenburg” a także w formie wystaw w języku niemieckim i angielskim. Ponad połowę kadry zarządzającej w Federalnym Ministerstwie Sprawiedliwości w latach 50. XX w. stanowili byli funkcjonariusze NSDAP, a co piąty należał do SA. Ta personalna ciągłość miała istotne znaczenie dla Polski i polskich obywateli ze względu m.in. na dyskryminację ofiar III Rzeszy, czy brak osądzenia zbrodniarzy nazistowskich. Kontynuacje personalne i materialne wywierały również wpływ na proces budowania państwa demokratycznego, opartego na zasadzie państwa prawnego. Wspomniane powyżej zagadnienia są przedmiotem krótkiej analizy w przedmiotowym artykule.

19

Ateizm praktyczny czy a-teizm metodologiczny? Problem Boga w dziele Bycie i czas Martina Heideggera

51%

Małyga M.

Polonia Sacra

|

2015

|

tom 19

|

nr 3

EN

In his famous work from 1927, Being and time, Martin Heidegger remains noticeably silent on the subject of God. His silence may be interpreted as a form of atheism, more methodological than dogmatic, which excludes the question of God from the methods of phenomenology. The fundamental ontology, which Heidegger wanted to expand upon in Being and Time, is based upon a theological distinction between Being and God. Although his atheism must be classified as being of a methodological nature, the events which occurred following the publication of Being and Time can be accounted for, to some extent, by the view held by Catholic theologians, that Heidegger was a philosopher who denied God’s existence. He had accepted Nietzsche’s diagnosis that God was dead and had developed a vision for the intellectual renewal of mankind based on the ideology of National Socialism. Catholic theology initially considered his work to be a crude argument in favour of atheism. Only later was a more positive assessment of his philosophical work generally accepted.

PL

W niniejszym artykule podjęliśmy problem specyficznego rozumienia ateizmu w dziele Martina Heideggera Bycie i czas. „Ateizm” ów należy określić jako metodologiczne powstrzymanie się filozofa fenomenologa od sądu na temat Boga. Zasadnicza odpowiedź została zarysowana w czterech punktach. W punkcie pierwszym ukazaliśmy a) katolicyzm jako „wiarę pochodzenia” filozofa, z którą on jednak b) zrywa, a do reprezentującej ją c) kościelnej instytucji czuje głęboką niechęć. W punkcie drugim zatrzymaliśmy się nad treścią Bycia i czasu, ukazując najpierw, a) że problem Boga nie jest tam w żaden sposób poruszany. Wyjaśniliśmy to, b) tłumacząc Heideggera zamiar napisania ontologii fundamentalnej. Poprawną diagnozą tzw. ateizmu Heideggera jest określenie go jako c) ateizmu metodologicznego. Filozof poprzez zastosowanie d) „teologicznej różnicy” między byciem a Bogiem chce uniknąć e) niebezpieczeństwa urzeczowienia Boga. W trzecim punkcie zatrzymaliśmy się nad wydarzeniami, które krótko po publikacji Bycia i czasu mogły utrwalić sąd, że Heidegger to jednak filozof negujący Boga. Heidegger a) podjął bowiem diagnozę Nietzschego o „nieżyjącym Bogu chrześcijan” i b) związał swe nadzieje na duchową odnowę człowieka z ideologią narodowego socjalizmu. W ostatnim, czwartym punkcie przedstawiliśmy pierwsze reakcje teologii katolickiej na dzieło Heideggera. Najpierw ukazaliśmy, że a) był on odbierany jako propagator potocznie rozumianego ateizmu, następnie zasygnalizowaliśmy b) późniejsze, już pozytywne podejście katolickich myślicieli do Bycia i czasu.

20

Ewolucja poglądów Wernera Sombarta a polityka niemiecka początków XX wieku

51%

Michalak A.

Edukacja Humanistyczna

|

2019

|

nr 1

49-62

PL

Autor w swoim artykule prezentuje sylwetkę niemieckiego socjologa Wernera Sombarta. Koncentruje się zasadniczo na kierunkach jego kariery naukowej. Omówione zostały zasadnicze etapy kształtowania się tego procesu w oparciu o publikacje Sombarta. Wskazuje się również na uwarunkowania polityczne panujące w Niemczech na przełomie XIX i XX wieku i wpływające na obraz tej kariery. Ukazane zostały ponadto pewne aspekty charakterologiczne bohatera artykułu, które nie pozostawały bez wpływu na przebieg opisywanego zjawiska.

EN

The author in his article presents the figure of the German sociologist Werner Sombart. Focuses basically on the directions of his scientific career. The basic stages of this process are discussed based on Sombart’s publications. It also indicates the political conditions prevailing in Germany at the turn of the 19th and 20th century that affect the image of this career. In addition, some characterological aspects of the hero of the article are shown. However, they did not affect the course of the phenomenon described.