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Masarykova "Nová Evropa"

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Doubek V.

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nr 4

665-676

EN

The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.

CS

Text Nové Evropy (1918) je v této stati analyzován jak sám o sobě, tedy jako válečná práce T. G. Masaryka formulovaná s konkrétním propagandistickým záměrem v rámci odbojové akce, tak také s ohledem na dlouhodobější diskusi českého politického myšlení k tématům národní identity a státnosti. V posouzení užšího a širšího rámce se potvrzuje Masarykova výjimečná schopnost argumentačního přenosu teoretických východisek na potřeby politické propagandy. Právě tato schopnost umožnila proměnu postavení a role tohoto před válkou vlivného komentátora slabého politického vlivu do podoby nezpochybnitelné a prakticky nezpochybňované autority nejen na poli teoretické diskuse, ale i české politiky jako takové. Nelze tvrdit, že Masarykova interpretace české diskuse věnovaná pojetí národa a státnosti byla jediná možná či správná, ale ukázala se jako dobově přijatelná jak z pohledu zahraničních spojenců, tak domácí společnosti, a tím jako by sama sebe potvrdila coby základ konceptu vítězství a vítězů, který bylo možno rozpracovat do obecnějšího ideového rámce budoucí československé státní doktríny.

2

Paradoxy vzniku republiky z pohledu českého politického myšlení : Masarykův koncept velikosti v malosti

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Doubek V.

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nr 5

699-724

EN

The birth of the Czechoslovak Republic in the year 1918 was fundamentally in contradiction with the determining conception of Czech realist politics, which was formulated before the outbreak of war, in harmony with the ideal of proper national growth. Using the examples of the conception of the “reform” of a “modestly populated nation” and the “small man”, put into contrast with the ideal of the times identified with dynamism and the concentration of power and size, this study analyses the transformation of the approaches of Czech political thought, especially of T. G. Masaryk, on the way to the realization of the programme of independence.

CS

Vznik Československé republiky v roce 1918 byl v podstatě v rozporu s určujícími koncepcemi české realistické politiky, které byly formulovány před vypuknutím války v souladu s tehdejším ideálem vlastního národního růstu. Na příkladech pojetí „reformy“, „nepočetného národa“ a „malého člověka“, stavěných do kontrastu s dobovým ideálem růstu, ztotožňovaným s dynamikou a koncentrací síly a velikosti, studie analyzuje proměnu přístupů českého politického myšlení, zejména pak T. G. Masaryka, na cestě za prosazením programu samostatnosti.

3

V jazyce naše... maskulinita : Případ obrozenského diskurzu

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Filipowicz M. Ł.

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2012

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tom 60

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nr 5

663-693

EN

It is the aim of this article to examine the relations between the conception of masculinity and the Czech language. This conception can be reconstructed on the basis of academic, journalistic and artistic National Revival texts. This research focuses on the period in which fundamental changes were taking place in European thinking on language and gender order. The article attempts to prove that on the basis of statements made on language, much can be learnt of the way in which Czech National Revivalists conceived their own masculinity. The question is foregrounded whether Czech was perceived as a language that was so masculine that it could even guarantee the conceived masculinity of its male users.

4

Tematická koncentrace textu - některé aspekty autorského stylu Ladislava Jehličky

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Davidová Glogarová J. , Čech R.

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nr 5

234-245

EN

Analysis of thematic concentration is a method for the detection of thematic words and quantification of thematic concentration in a text. This method was applied to articles by the Czech Catholic writer and journalist Ladislav Jehlička from the period 1936-1942. The aim was to compare two sets of texts: texts that are considered by literary theorists to be ‘problematic’ due to their expression of extreme right-wing views, and texts that are ‘neutral’, dealing only with general social questions. We expect that, in view of the choice of theme, the ‘problematic’ texts will be more influenced by the author’s ideological stance, which in turn will be reflected in the linguistic characteristics of the texts. We then compare texts published under Jehlička’s real name with those which appeared under the pseudonym ‘Eljen’. The results reveal a surprisingly small presence of words expressing a right-wing stance or ‘problematic’ themes (e.g., fascism, Jewish) among so called thematic words as well as an independence of the thematic concentration of ideology. Finally, a non-significant difference between Jehlička’s and Eljen’s texts can be viewed as a proof of the author’s relatively stable style.

5

Několik (o)bludných cest české historiografie posledních třiceti let

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Nečasová D.

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nr 1

169-174

EN

In this discussion paper, presented at the Sixteenth Congress of the Slovak Historical Society (Slovenská historická spoločnosť) on 6 September 2022 in Banská Bystrica, Denisa Nečasová reflects on contemporary Czech historiography, especially contemporary history. She focuses on those trends that she considers problematic or negative. The first of these is the persistent positivist approach of many works that avoid historical interpretation and let the facts "speak for themselves". Paradoxically, however, implicit interpretations of the past sneak in, most often in the form of nationalist and anti-communist stereotypes. Politicization and ideologization, as the second negative trend in Czech contemporary history, are applied, as Nečasová argues, especially to the communist period and burden the dispute between the proponents of the theory of totalitarianism and historical revisionism, which in recent years has been litigated in the Czech academic as well as public sphere. As a third unfortunate trend, the author points to the methodological disregard of gender structures and gendered aspects of society in most historical research. This is related to the disproportionately low representation of Czech women historians in the field, and especially in its leading positions.

CS

V tomto diskusním příspěvku, předneseném na 16. sjezdu Slovenské historické společnosti dne 6. září 2022 v Banské Bystrici, se autorka zamýšlí nad současnou českou historiografií, zvláště soudobých dějin. Zaměřuje se přitom na ty její trendy, které pokládá za problematické či negativní. První z nich spatřuje v přetrvávajícím pozitivistickém přístupu řady prací, které se vyhýbají historické interpretaci a nechávají mluvit fakta takzvaně samy za sebe. Paradoxně se pak do nich ovšem vkrádají implicitní interpretace minulosti, nejčastěji v podobě nacionalistických a antikomunistických stereotypů. Politizace a ideologizace jako druhý negativní trend českých soudobých dějin se pak uplatňují zvláště ve vztahu k období komunismu a zatěžují spor mezi zastánci teorie totalitarismu a historického revizionismu, který se vede v posledních letech v České republice značně vypjatě i ve veřejném prostoru. Jako třetí neblahý trend identifikuje autorka metodologické ignorování genderové struktury a aspektů společnosti ve většině historických výzkumů. S tím souvisí disproporčně nízké zastoupení českých historiček v oboru, a zejména v jeho vedoucích pozicích.

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Poslankyně neruského původu v sovětském parlamentu, 1989-1991: intersekcionalita v imperiální situaci

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Sablin I. , Medková B.

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nr 1

44-69

EN

The study focuses on the position of female deputies of non-Russian descent in parliamentary debates on the perestroika in the last years of the existence of Soviet Union. The key issues the author examines concern the hardships – as defined by the English term “grievances”, which denotes a variety of sources of political deprivation resulting in collective acts – these female deputies were pointing out, and what potential solutions they were proposing to mitigate or eliminate them. The most important forum where these debates were taking place was the Congress of People’s Deputies (S’ezd narodnykh deputatov), which arose from partly pluralistic elections, was the highest body of state authority of the Soviet Union from 1989 to 1991, and meant a significant progress in Gorbachev’s reform Communist leadership’s efforts to democratize the political system. Gender-wise, the body was very unbalanced as women accounted for just 352 out of its 2,250 elected members. The author work with stenographic records of speeches of the female deputies of non-Russian descent delivered during five sessions of the Congress of People’s Deputies, viewing them through a prism of concepts of “intersectionality” and “imperial situation”, which permit capturing the diversity of its composition and acts in the form of relations between various social categories (nationality/ethnicity, gender, region, profession etc.), their overlapping and self-categorization of players. The speeches of the female deputies often accentuated national grievances and hardships, which fact is indicative of a considerable importance of nationalism in Soviet discussions about the perestroika and in the systemic crisis of the USSR at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. However, they also show that viewing problems in a nationalism-tinged perspectives did not necessarily mean seeking a nationalist solution, as many of the female deputies preferred looking for a solution within the Soviet Union to that consisting in sovereignty or even independence of its republics. The female deputies also insistently reflected urgent social, economic, professional, environmental, and local problems. The final part of the article describes political careers of the female deputies after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.