Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Antysemityzm czy antyjudaizm na łamach miesięcznika "Pro Christo" (1924-1939)

100%

Meller A.

Historia i Polityka

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2009

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nr 1(8)

9-25

EN

Reflections over Jewish community in Poland were visible in Polish political thought of the the first half of the 20th century. "Pro Christo” monthly, was one of the most important anti-Semitic magazines in interwar Poland, connected with Nation-al-Radical Movement "Falanga” and its leader Bolesław Piasecki, most significant editor-in-chief was romancatholic priest Jerzy Pawski. "Pro Christo” was publishing articles criticizing Jews, editors were referring to "Protokoły Mędrców Syjonu”, repeating the stereotypical views on Jews, like their role in partitions of Poland, creating freemasonry and communism. The paper was trying to warn Polish nation against communist danger, connected with Jews, emphasizing that Jews should leave Poland. According to authors that emigration should be compulsory.

2

Centrolewica czy centroprawica? Budowa wielkiej formacji solidarnościowej w myśli politycznej Unii Wolności

100%

Szczepański D.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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tom 6(13)

92-110

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the idea of building a large formation of solidarity in the political thought of the Union of Freedom. During this time period 1994–1997 there were ideas aimed at the creation of the center-left, which is the fundamental concept for politicians gathered around the Zofia Kuratowska and former Environment Group of the Liberal and Social Democratic Union. Totally diff erent approached to create a center-right. Sees a need for cooperation and to take programmatic agreement among the parties that arose from the great „Solidarity” in 1980. The creation of this formation was used to power the eff ective removal of the SLD-PSL coalition and the completion of reforms in the country.

3

Gdańscy liberałowie — liberalizm pragmatyczny

80%

Biegasiewicz P.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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tom 5(12)

71-93

EN

The purpose of article “Gdansk’s liberals – pragmatic liberalism” is to present the ideology and socio-political program of the Gdansk liberals. Subsequently, an attempt will be shown to incorporate the concept of the Gdansk liberals in the party program of the Liberal-Democratic Congress (Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny). The author in the introduction focuses on the definition of intellectual formation called the “Gdansk liberals”. Then they were presented the basic ideas, the political program (system of state, privatization as an attempt to create a middle class, regionalism, and the issue of “liberal revolution”). Article ends with reflections on the relationship of Gdansk’s liberals to KLD.

4

Tworzenie zrębów polityki zagranicznej pierwszej „Solidarności” wobec Zachodu

80%

Aftaruk A.

Historia i Polityka

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2010

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nr 4(11)

172-185

EN

The article presents the way in which the famous "Solidarity” movement was laying grounds for its activities abroad. Since the beginning of its existence it attracted attention and curiosity of the world. It came into relations with many western labor movements, who supported it in all different manners. "Solidarity” members had to deal with a number of problems in order to cooperate with their foreign counterparts. Trying to run its own foreign politics was not an easy task given the geopolitical situation. Nevertheless, starting with gathering special teams, through organizing a Foreign Department and ending up with publishing a set of a certain rules and guidelines, the movement was preparing itself for entering the International arena with its own visions and ideas. The movements' goals much exceeded Poland's borders. "Solidarity” delcared to fight for law, peace and justice in all states of the world. Trying not to push the line with the Poland's authorities too far, itmade an attemptto be active in the labor world on both sides of the Iron Curtain. By the end of 1981 the movement could already present its successes in this field. The martial law forced "Solidarity” underground, however, it did not manage to destroy its achievements regarding foreign contacts.

5

Ruch Młodej Polski. Historia i współczesne reminiscencje

80%

Lewandowski A.

Historia i Polityka

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2009

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nr 1(8)

47-62

EN

The article considers the phenomenon of one of the most intellectually active, anticommunist opposition group in Poland. The Young Poland Movement organiza- tion was established in 1979 and ended its activity after ten years. Furthermore, the magazine "Bratniak” constituted the main press measure in presenting the ideas of its members. The author presents the peculiarity of creating the Young Poland Movement, es- pecially the significance of the group connected with magazine "Bratniak”. Moreover, the author analyses the ideological declaration of Young Poland Movementand out-lines principal values acknowledged by the group. The article also emphasizes the importance of obstacles thatthe group was facing during the political transformation in Poland. The finał outcome of the events at the turn of the 1989 and 1990 was particularly visible in termination of Young Poland Movement activity. In order to such occurrence its members joined various political groups. Itcould be caused by two differentviews of political action, thatwere noticeable among the Young Poland Movement members.

6

Wersalski przyczółek nad Wisłą — most czy bariera? Myśl polityczna Pawła Jasienicy w kontekście rozważań o początkach II Rzeczypospolitej. Zarys problemu

80%

Kierys A.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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tom 6(13)

74-91

EN

This article concerns the assessment of the Republic of Poland (1918–1939) creation — as a political unit — by Paweł Jasienica — not only an outstanding historical essayist and philosopher of history but also an eyewitness of the events described. In 1967, in the retreat of his own room, he wrote his Polish Experience to be edited in the British periodical „Journal of Contemporary History” — hence off censorship — totally devoted to the problem of the birth of the independent Polish entity. A dominating theme in Jasienica’s analysis is the Polish path to independence, connected with the objection to the partitioners’ voluntarism and struggle for borders mainly with its eastern neighbour country — Bolshevik Russia. P. Jasienica proves that independent Poland defended its existence thanks to fast and widespread social reforms as well as full democratisation of political life. Polish society mass participation in Polish-Bolshevik war 1920 and its successful outcome was caused also by the fear of Soviets’ „red terror”.

7

Piłsudczyzm a Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. W poszukiwaniu podstaw do analogii

80%

Rzeczyński Ł.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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tom 5(12)

94-111

EN

The article is a comparative analysis of Piłduski’s camp and “Prawo i Sprawiedliwość”. Similarities between the party and marshal’s followers are visible both in the time of rule of the party in years 2005–2007 and later, especially after the catastrophe in Smoleńsk in April 2010. It is hard to say explicitly whether existence of Piłsudski’s camp and referring to it is actually well-founded. It is not easy to find analogies in case when there are huge differences in functionality of the Second Polish Republic and contemporary Poland. However, crucial role of the leader in the party, new foreign policy concept and geopolitical bases of country’s functionality and unfulfilled vision of Fourth Polish Republic are the most visible references to the time of Piłsudski’s camp.

8

Wieczysty pokój końca historii. Koncepcje geopolityczne

80%

Liszkowska E.

Historia i Polityka

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2012

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nr 8(15)

32-42

EN

The aim of this paper is to present the concept of The end of History by F. Fukuyama and compare it with the philosophical concepts of I. Kant. The text is describing the main elements of liberal democracy promoted by Fukuyama comparing them to philosophical proposals of Kant. Both authors paid attention to the importance of human rights in international relations. Both also expressed their hope for the existence of global peace. The factor that diff ers them is the attitude towards the democracy.

9

W poszukiwaniu istoty faszyzmu

80%

Tomasiewicz J.

Historia i Polityka

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2010

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nr 2/3(9/10)

122-137

EN

Fascism has never created homogeneous doctrine or ideology. We have to speak about fascisms in plural. Fascisms from the very beginning were distinguished by great diversity. As nationalistic ideologies they should naturally reveal in national variants, which were additionally overlapped by internal diversity - within every nation we can find several competing mutations. As a result, trying to define fascism we would always find ourselves between Scylla of excessive narrowing of idea (in extreme terms - only to the Italian fascism) and Charybdis of excessive extension to everything, that is showing whatsoever similarity with original. In the article „Seeking the essence of fascism” author shows the origins of fascism, looking for common elements in fascisims and characterizes the naturę of fascist worldview. Finally author states that we cannot find attributes, characteristic only for fascism. Even the obvious criminality of fascism can be compared with the crimes of totalitarian regimes. Author notes, that about fascism as a unique phenomenon we can speak only in the sense of specific fusion of peculiarities characteristic to other phenomenon.

10

Wobec „ludu ruskiego…”. „Myśl Narodowa” (1921–1939) wobec mniejszości ukraińskiej i białoruskiej

80%

Jastrzębski P.

Historia i Polityka

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2010

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nr 4(11)

70-83

PL

The Ukrainian and Belarusian issue in the period of interwar Poland constituted the fundamental axis of the National Democracy policy on contemporary Slav minorities living in Poland. National elites and opinion-forming circles of the national camp refused the rightto self-determination to Ukrainian and Belarusian minorities. They were judging both groups as unable to create a modern view on its ethnicity, politics and social affairs. Therefore they were emphasizingthatUkrainians and Belarusians constituted the part of "Ruthenian” group and don’t meet any criteria, allowing them to be categorized as a separate nation. Therefore all tensions and conflicts were treated disputes inside one Polish nation. Hence resulted positive assessment of assimilation chances for the Ukrainian and Belarusian people. National Democracy emphasized the lack of national differences between Poles, Ukrainians and Belarusians. The Polonization of "kresy” was regarded as a specificmission of civilization, in which National Democracy saw an excellent opportunity to strengthen the vital forces ofthe Polish nation. Improvingthe economical situation of the Ukrainian and Belarussian minority was regarded necessary to cool radical anti-Polish moods among the minorities. Finally the National Democracy opposed absolutely plans of granting the national autonomy both minorities accepting only creating the territorial autonomy - self-government.

11

Postmodernizm jako ideologia

80%

Filipkowski J.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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tom 5(12)

19-31

EN

Postmodernism is a concept characterized by distrust of theories and ideologies and by the drawing of attention to conventions. Think of postmodernism rejects the authority of reason and views all claims to objective truth to be dangerous. Postmodern philosophers regard claims to objective and universal truth as intolerant and uninformed. For influential postmodern thinkers, truth is political and created by “belief communities”, not discovered rationally and objectively. However an ideology is a set of ideas that constitutes one’s goals, expectations, and actions. An ideology can be thought of as a comprehensive vision, as a way of looking at things (worldview), as in common sense, or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of this society. The central theme of postmodernism is that there is no such thing as certainty. As a result, postmodernism rejects big meta-narratives which claim that there are absolute truths, i.e. ideologies and belief systems as the Right and the Left. Postmodernism declares an end to all ideology but in essence postmodernism is contemporary ideology consisting of relativism and deny any validity to several concept like objectivity, Truth, Goods and Beautiful.

12

Między realizmem a nostalgią. Myśl polityczna emigracyjnych środowisk kresowych (1939–1991)

60%

Gotowiecki P.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2017

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nr 30

131-153

EN

The subject of the article is the political thought of the circles from the Eastern Borderland that functioned among the Polish wartime exiles and then the post-War pro-independence emigrants. In the introduction, the author defines such notions as Kresy (Polish Borderlands) or kresowianie, characterises those circles, and then discusses their opinions on such issues as the eastern border, attitude towards the Lithuanians, Belarussians and Ukrainians, or federalism. The author points to the diversity of the circles and the evolution of their political thought indicating the mid-1950s as an important point in their development. The final part of the article includes a reflection of its realism.

13

Proces odbudowy krajowego ruchu chrześcijańsko-demokratycznego u schyłku PRL (1986–1989)

51%

Sikorski T.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2017

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nr 30

203-226

EN

The article is an attempt at showing the reconstruction process of the Polish Christian Democratic movement and the decline of the Polish People’s Republic (1988–1989). The issue in question has not been previously studied by many researchers. They have usually focused on the history of the Stronnictwo Pracy, social Catholicism, the activity of various lay Catholic circles (usually licensed ones), and the structure of the Labour Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) among the emigrants. What is more, it should be stressed that most of such analyses dealt with the period between 1944/45 and 1956, and in rarer cases, the decades of Władysław Gomułka’s and Edward Gierek’s rule. The 1980s (particularly the late portion of the decade) still require detailed research. In a way, the present article consists of two parts. The former one synthetically presents attempts at reactivation of the Christian Democratic circles after October 1956 and initiatives aiming at the reconstruction of Christian Democratic circles. This led to the establishment of the Polish Catholic Social Union (PZKS), which the initiators (mainly Janusz Zabłocki) intended to provide as a foundation for the reconstruction of the Polish Christian Democratic movement. The author has presented the main directions of PZKS activity, internal disputes (in the fields of ideology, politics and tactics) and the achievement of the party with regard to broadly understood political thought. The latter part of the article, which should be regarded as the main (fundamental) one, analyses the reconstruction process of the Polish Christian Democratic circles itself. The activities of the Christian Democratic Club of Political Thought, which was supposed to provide infrastructure for the future Christian Democratic movement (with regard to programme, politics and organisation). The focus is also on the political thought of the Club, its achievements in the field of programme and strategy related to the political changes in the country (e.g. the Round Table talks, June elections of 1989). What was equally important was the relationship between the Club and other opposition circles and licensed groups of lay Catholics (e.g. PZKS, PAX Association, Christian Social Association). The article has been based primarily on source materials of various provenance. The role of academic studies has only been auxiliary.

14

Koncepcje ustroju politycznego i ekonomiczno-społecznego Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego w latach 1989–2011

51%

Kotulewicz K.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie

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2014

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nr 2(926)

21-36

PL

Artykuł przedstawia ewolucję myśli politycznej Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego po 1989 r. do wyborów parlamentarnych w 2011 r. Główne problemy, jakie poruszono, to koncepcja ustroju politycznego państwa oraz modelu gospodarczego i polityki socjalnej. Wpływ na koncepcje programowe PSL mają wieloletnie tradycje tej partii oraz wyznawane wartości, wśród których ważne miejsce zajmują wartości rodzinne i religijne. Działalność partii odznacza się aktywnością nie tylko na poziomie organu władzy ustawodawczej, ale i w ramach organu władzy wykonawczej, poprzez tworzenie rządów koalicyjnych.

EN

The article presents the evolution of the political thought of the Polish People’s Party (PSL) after 1989 and up until the parliamentary elections of 2011. The main issues to be tackled are the concept of the state’s political system as well as its economic model and social policy. PSL’s multiyear traditions and its values, among which family and religious values hold an important place, influence the party’s views. The party is active on the legislative and – through the creation of coalition governments – executive levels.

15

Recepcja myśli politycznej Juliusza Mieroszewskiego... w polskiej polityce wschodniej po 1989 roku

51%

Janociński A.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2015

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nr 14

129-138

EN

The aim of the article author was to show the political thought of Juliusz Mieroszewski not only in the perspective of its long cooperation with the Paris “Culture”, but also to prove the topicality of his concepts in contemporary politics. In the first part of the article the author focuses on the projects of Juliusz Machulski, connected to the direct neighbours of Poland – Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine, at that time being a part of the Soviet Union. These were developed the furthest by the concept of ULB. The second part covers Mieroszewski’s ideas on settling the relations with Russia, with regard to their timely evolution, taking place on the pages of the Paris “Culture”. The third part of the article presents the author’s attempts to prove the existence of traces of Mieroszewski’s political thoughts in the contemporary Polish Eastern politics, both in the declarative and political plane.

16

Paweł Popiel (1807-1892) – polski konserwatysta XIX wieku

51%

Kazimierczuk M.

|

2016

|

tom 8

s.66-80

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przypomnienie postaci Pawła Popiela i zarysu jego interesującej biografii, w której, jak w soczewce skupiają się czasami dramatyczne wybory stojące przed polskimi myślicieli i politykami w XIX wieku. Paweł Popiel łączył w sobie cechy romantyka i pozytywisty, nostalgika Europy przedrewolucyjnej i racjonalisty zachowawczego. O sprawie polskiej, o niektórych wydarzeniach z nią związanych wydawał nieraz trafne sądy, nie potrafił jednak zaproponować rodakom żadnej skutecznej linii postępowania na przyszłość celem odzyskania upragnionej wolności. Wypowiadał się w sprawach lokalnych krakowskich, galicyjskich, ogólnopolskich, kościelnych, politycznych i obyczajowych.

EN

The purpose of this article is to guide the form of Paul Popiel and outline his interesting biography, in which, as in a lens focus sometimes dramatic choices faced by Polish politicians and thinkers in the nineteenth century. Paul Popiel combined the features of romantic and positivist, Nostalgik Europe's pre-revolutionary and conservative rationalist. The Polish case, certain events associated with it sometimes seemed pertinent courts, but could not offer any effective countrymen line of conduct in the future to recover the desired freedom. He spoke on local matters of Krakow, Galician, national, ecclesiastical, political and moral.

17

Obrona terytorialna i wojska obrony terytorialnej w myśli politycznej Polski współczesnej

41%

Maj E.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

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2017

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nr 3

297-316

PL

Problematyka obrony terytorialnej (OT) należała do priorytetowych zadań polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego Polski w czasie poprzedzającym wejście do struktur Organizacji Traktatu Północnoatlantyckiego, czyli do 1999 roku, ale też w okresie umacniania obronności państwa w XXI wieku. Znalazła odzwierciedlenie w myśli politycznej i jej poszczególnych nurtach ideowych. Umowne pojmowanie tytułowej „współczesności” ukonkretniły cezury czasowe przyjęte w treści artykułu. Początek dał rok 1989, a więc rozpoczęcie procesu przemian ustrojowych w Polsce, końcową datą był rok 2015, gdy wraz z powstaniem rządu koalicyjnego na czele z partią Prawo i Sprawiedliwość ukształtowała się nowa jakość polityczna. Pod względem podmiotowym wyróżnić można było myśl polityczną wytwarzaną przez ugrupowania (podmiotowość strukturalna) oraz przez ideologów (podmiotowość personalna) z uwzględnieniem kanałów jej transmisji (media ogólnoinformacyjne, publicyści polityczni). Natomiast pod względem ideowym ujawniała się gotowość do tworzenia wizji OT w środowiskach konserwatywnych, liberalnych, ludowych, nacjonalistycznych, narodowo-katolickich, socjaldemokratycznych, socjalistycznych. W artykule zmierzano do udzielenia odpowiedzi na trzy pytania badawcze. Po pierwsze, zwrócono uwagę na sposoby umotywowania idei obrony terytorialnej w myśli politycznej. Po drugie, w sferze zainteresowań znalazły się kwestie istnienia historycznych wzorców OT i ich implikacji w czasach współczesnych. Po trzecie, podjęta została sprawa trybu artykulacji OT w następstwie wdrożenia odpowiedniej procedury definicyjnej. Odpowiedzi na dwa pierwsze pytania pozwoliły na wskazanie wspólnoty poglądów różnych podmiotów myśli politycznej. Uzasadnienia dla OT miały generalny charakter ze względu na sytuację obronną Polski zdeterminowaną przez geopolitykę. Ogół podmiotów myśli politycznej wykazywał świadomość zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa narodu i państwa. Trauma przeżyć powstańczych, wojennych, okupacyjnych w XX wieku skłaniała do gruntowania form samoobrony. Natomiast kwestie definicyjne wywoływały rozbieżności w odniesieniu do nazewnictwa, ideałów i wartości, symboli i rytuałów politycznych oraz zadań przynależnych OT. Na poziomie abstrakcji występowały uniwersalne refleksje patriotyczne, humanitarne, ogólnoludzkie, dopełniane przez myśl prawicową o odniesienia do narodu, rodziny, wierzenia religijnego. Na poziomie praktyki autorzy myśli politycznej wypowiadali się w sprawie konkretnych kwestii strategiczno-operacyjnych, taktycznych, organizacyjnych. Niezależnie od podziałów ideowych zwracano uwagę na znaczenie OT przy ochronie ludzi i ich dobytku materialnego w warunkach skrajnych (klęska żywiołowa, katastrofa techniczna, wojna).

EN

The thematic area of territorial defence (TD) was one of the priorities lying at the centre of the national defence of Poland, not only before the 1999 accession to NATO, but also in the 21st Century, when Poland continued to strengthen its defensive potential. This subject matter became reflected in political thought and its various ideological trends. While used metaphorically in the title, the notion of “contemporaneity” acquires a more specific form when built around the time periods discussed in the article. The starting point is 1989, the kick-off year for changes in the political system of Poland, and ending in 2015, when, along with the formation of a coalition cabinet led by the Law and Justice Party, a new political quality came into being. In objective terms, one can differentiate between political thought originating in factions (structural objectivity) and that developed by ideologues (personal objectivity), with consideration given to its transmission channels (the media providing general information, political columnists, etc.). As regards the ideological aspect, the willingness to develop TD-related visions emerged in conservative, liberal, peasant, nationalist, Catholic-nationalist, socio-democratic, and socialist circles. This article aims to provide answers to three research questions. First, focus is made on the ways in which political thought has been used to account for the concept of territorial defence. Second, the article brings forward issues centred around the existence of historical patterns of TD and their implications on the present times. Third, the article addresses the mode of the articulation of TD following the implementation of an appropriate definition procedure. Answering the first two questions made it possible to identify the common ground for views expressed by the various subjects of political thought. The arguments in favour of TD were of a general nature, due to the defensive status quo of Poland, largely determined by geopolitical considerations. The subjects of political thought in their generality were aware of the threats to the security of the nation and the State. The dramatic experiences suffered in the 20th Century from uprisings, wars and occupations encouraged the consolidation of some forms of self-defence. As far as definition issues are considered, these caused discrepancies in nomenclature, ideals and values, symbols and political rituals, and, finally, tasks attributable to TD. The abstraction level exhibited general reflections of a patriotic, humanitarian, and universal nature, which were further complemented by right-wing thought with references to such notions as nation, family and religious beliefs. At the practical level, the originators of political thought commented on specific strategic and operational, tactical, and organisational issues. Irrespective of ideological affiliations, stress was invariably placed on the importance of TD when it came to protecting citizens and their property in extreme conditions (natural disaster, massive technical failure, war, etc.).

18

Antropologia polityczna – między etnologią a politologią

41%

Muciek E.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2014

|

tom 6(42)

|

nr 3

195-215

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the political anthropology as a subdiscipline of anthropology and political science, because the term exists in both.However, both the term and the subject of research, as well as methodological approaches are differ. This situation should develop political anthropology, especially in political science, but it didn’t. Political anthropology has a long tradition in Western science. As a field of anthropology has a little over 100 years,from the position of political science dates back to its origin in ancient Greece. Political anthropology was included in the curriculum in higher education.

19

Ontyczny status wartości w myśli politycznej rosyjskiego renesansu religijno-filozoficznego na przykładzie poglądów Mikołaja Bierdiajewa i Iwana Iljina

41%

Krasucka K.

ΣΟΦΙΑ. Pismo Filozofów Krajów Słowiańskich

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2014

|

nr 14

179-190

RU

В начале статьи дается краткая характеристика русского религиозно-философского ренессанса. Далее, из взглядов и идей Н.А. Бердяева и И.А. Ильина выделяются аксиологические темы. Автор приходит к убеждению, что метафизический (у Бердяева) и онтический (у Ильина) статус ценностей определяет характерные для Н.А Бердяева – персонализм и „ле-визну”, а для И.А. Ильина – идеализм и консерватизм.

EN

In the first part of the article, the author presents a short characteristic of the Russian philosophy of the revival of philosophical and religious life. In the next parts that are based on the Nikolaj Berdyayev’s and Ivan Ilyin’s thoughts, the author highlights axiological threads from their views. She concludes that ontic status of values (in Ilyin’s thought) or metaphysical (in Berdyayev’s thought) implies adequate for Berdyayev – personalism and “leftism”, while for Ilyin – idealism and rightist.