The article presents an analysis of community engage-ment of female members of the Ukrainian minority in Poland. Women decidedly predominate among Ukrainians undertaking community service and de-voting themselves to social work, to the point where it is legitimate to speak of feminisation of social participation in this ethnic group. The present analysis and interpreta-tion of the situation of women within the ethnic minority proceeds within a structuration theory network; as a re-sult, it becomes possible to cast individual actions, and their creative proactivity, against a broad background of structural conditions characterising the Ukrainian community in Poland as well as Polish society at large.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie zaangażowanie społeczne kobiet z mniejszości ukraińskiej w Polsce. Ukrainki wyraźnie dominują liczebnie wśród osób podejmujących pracę społeczną i zaangażowanych społecznie, co sprawia, że możemy mówić o feminizacji aktywności społecznej w tej mniejszości narodowej. Analiza i interpretacja sytuacji kobiet z mniejszości narodowej jest poprowadzona w ogólnych ramach teorii strukturacji. Umożliwiło to ukazanie działania jednostek i ich podmiotowość sprawczą w perspektywie szeroko rozumianych uwarunkowań strukturalnych, dotyczących zarówno samej mniejszości, jak i dominującego społeczeństwa polskiego.
Relocated to Warmia and Mazury in 1947, the Ukrainians comprised 10% of the inhabitants of the region. At present, Ukrainians are the most numerous minority group in Warmia and Mazury, living in the northern part of the region. A report of the Institute of Public Affairs has shown that Warmia and Mazury – as a multicultural and multi-ethnic environment – is a region characterised by a higher tolerance towards otherness and an exceptionally friendly approach towards the Ukrainian minority. This article is an attempt to outline the modern developmental trends with regard to the socio-cultural identity of the Ukrainians who live in the region of Warmia and Mazury. We also mention how their linguistic identification is shaped. Most of the Ukrainians of the older and middle generations equal national identity with using the Ukrainian language in its colloquial dialect or literary variety, while the young Ukrainians associate the language with a purely symbolic status. The youth emphasise that their culture and identity do not have to be expressed through using the Ukrainian language. After 1991, the Ukrainian minority has become increasingly assertive in using the rights granted them, encouraging local governments to subsidy their cultural programmes and support them on the organisational plane. Cooperation at the level of regions, towns, communes and districts has resulted in a number of important cultural events in the region of Warmia and Mazury. Schools also conduct cultural activity, with bands and theatrical groups actively participating in building the multicultural character of the region. The present research has shown that the compulsory cultural contact led to voluntary acculturation of some members of the Ukrainian community, and to a situation in which elements of the Polish culture are interwoven into the Ukrainian cultural heritage.
With a population of approx. 33,000 people Ukrainian minority in shorten as a result of administrative reform Olsztyn province was a long time the subject of intense operational activities of the local security apparatus. The efforts of the secret political police coordinated within the framework of the so-called. case object, code-named “Beskid” which continued until January 1990. It places special emphasis on the control of the Ukrainian Socio-Cultural Society (basically the only official organization of the Polish Ukrainians), cell Ukrainian student movement, education institutions with the Ukrainian language of instruction, the Greek Catholic pastoral and contacts with the Ukrainian diaspora in the West. The measures taken most often justified the need to “protect” the Ukrainian community against the “nationalist activity”, that efforts to stem the polonization and strengthen their own cultural identity, which was accompanied by criticism of the political system. Despite the long-term, strong emphasis of the special services, the environment Ukrainian Warmia and Mazury was protected his identity and organizational achievements. This was due to many reasons: national policy easing after the lifting of martial law, strengthening the position of the Roman Catholic Church (and therefore functioning in the framework of the Greek-Catholic rite), and finally aware of the activities of the Ukrainian community leaders to improve the position of his countrymen. The political breakthrough began in 1989. With time brought the liquidation of the communist security apparatus and radical change in the position of Ukrainians in Poland.
Introduction: Referring to the knowledge about the number of Ukrainian students in Poland, James Marcia’s theory of identity development and Henri Tajfel’s theory of social identity, the authors examined how the Ukrainian minority studying in Poland describes its ethnic identity. Method: For this purpose, nine semistructural interviews were conducted, which were then subjected to a semantic narrative analysis. Results: It turned out that the respondents identify most strongly with the group of international students and students, and with their national identity in the second place. Polish nationality was cited as a group of belonging, spending time, while the Ukrainian nationality was individual, related to origin. Polish groups were positively evaluated by the respondents. The analysis also distinguished categories of differences between Poland and Ukraine, indicated by the respondents. They were: culture and religion, customs and tradition, decision-making and self-confidence, social issues, as well as mentality and science. The categories of stereotypes that were mentioned in the interviews were also identified: cheating and stealing, complaining and the similarity of nations. Conclusions: The results showed that the identity of Ukrainians is in a state of moratorium. The respondents define Ukraine as “their” country, while the strongest ones describe themselves as international students.
PL
Wprowadzenie: Odwołując się do wiedzy na temat liczebności studentów ukraińskich w Polsce, teorii Jamesa Marcii o rozwoju tożsamości oraz teorii tożsamości społecznej Henriego Tajfela, autorzy zbadali, jak mniejszość ukraińska studiująca w Polsce opisuje swoją tożsamość etniczną. Metoda: W tym celu przeprowadzono dziewięć wywiadów semistrukturalnych, poddanych następnie semantycznej analizie narracji. Wyniki: Okazało się, że najsilniej osoby badane utożsamiają się z grupą studentów lub studentów międzynarodowych, a na drugim miejscu ze swoją tożsamością narodową. Narodowość polska była przytaczana jako grupa przynależności, spędzania czasu, natomiast ukraińska miała charakter indywidualny, dotyczący pochodzenia. Grupy polskie były przez osoby badane wartościowane pozytywnie. W analizie zostały wyodrębnione również kategorie różnic między Polską a Ukrainą, wskazywane przez osoby badane. Były to: kultura i religia, obyczajowość i tradycja, decyzyjność i pewność siebie, kwestie społeczne oraz mentalność i nauka. Wyłoniono również kategorie stereotypów, które padały w wywiadach: oszukiwanie i kradzież, narzekanie oraz podobieństwo narodów. Wnioski: Wyniki wykazały, że tożsamość Ukraińców znajduje się w stanie moratorium. Osoby badane określają Ukrainę jako „swój” kraj, natomiast najsilniej określają się jako studenci międzynarodowi.
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