Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Contested minorities – the case of Upper Silesia

100%

Gierczak D.

|

nr 2

41-51

EN

Upper Silesia in terms of ethnicity is a typical example of a historical region in Europe, but in fact, one of the few exceptions in contemporary Poland, where its mixed ethnic and religious structures have at least partly survived until today. While their existence had been denied by Nazi Germany (1933-1945) as well as by the Polish People's Republic (1945-1989), the emancipation of the German and Silesian minorities after the democratic changes of 1989 have evoked strong emotions in the ethnically almost uniform country. Nonetheless, the recent situation of minorities has improved as never before. Minority organisations has been officially recognized and German finally has become the second language in some municipalities of Upper Silesia, but the largest ethnic group in the whole country, the Silesians, have still experienced no formal recognition as a national minority. This article deals with the demographic aspects of the ethnic groups in Upper Silesia since the 19th century until recent times. The census results concerning the ethnic minorities or languages in Upper Silesia have been contested since the first records of that kind have been taken. The outcomes of the both last censuses of 2002 and 2011 concerning the minority question reflected for the first time a much more realistic picture of the status quo. Furthermore, they showed that the idea of Silesian identification found an unexpected high number of supporters. This fact indicates an emerging meaning of regional identification amid significant changes of cultural values in Polish society.

2

Polityka językowa i tożsamość kulturowa mniejszości

100%

Boroń A.

|

nr 60

7-30

EN

The text aims to draw attention to the language policy involved in the processes of constructing the cultural identity of minorities. Discussion focuses on the two basic dichotomies of assimilationism-isolationism and empowerment-objectification and indicates selected aspects of language policy and educational practices in France, China and Israel.

3

Sociálne inžinierstvo a (ne)pamäť mesta (Desať rokov, ktoré otriasli Bratislavou)

100%

Salner P.

|

nr 4

395-402

EN

The article focuses on structural changes in the Bratislava population in the first half of the 20th century. Particularly in the decade of 1939–1948, there was an intense social engineering, i.e. a targeted effort to adjust both the ethnic and social city structures to the contemporary regime needs. The Czechs were the first target of these efforts (1939), followed by the Jewish minority (deportations in 1942); after the liberation, both Hungarian and German inhabitants fell victims to such activities, and after February 1948, this process also affected some social strata of the population. (A mass emigration after August 1968 was due to different reasons.) When analyzing the social engineering, the author has used particularly memories of the contemporary witnesses supported by the archive and other sources.

4

Minority Protection in German-Polish Relations – Historical Influence and Current Relevance

100%

Kulick A.

|

2021

|

tom 41

63-79

EN

The anniversaries of the 1970 Warsaw and the 1990 2+4 Treaties give occasion to revisit the matter of minority protection in German-Polish relations. The interwar system established a problematic unevenness that tainted its acceptance, particularly from the Polish perspective. After 1990 the minority issues achieved an increased, albeit moderate, relevance in German-Polish relations. To some extent the 1991 Polish-German Treaty on Good Neighbourly Relations and Friendly Co-operation retains the unevenness of the inter-war period, as Art. 20(1) recognizes a German minority in Poland, but refuses to acknowledge a Polish minority in Germany. However, currently the thorniest issues concern various situations related to the “Silesians” in Poland, which the Polish government does not recognize as a protected minority under the European Council Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.

5

Minorities and multicultural education at universities

88%

Hochmanová A.

|

tom 5

|

nr 2

79-86

EN

The author addresses on a multidisciplinary platform and from the theoretical legal and philosophical legal perspective the issue of minorities and multicultural education at universities. Through its criticism she reveals the emptiness and confusion of the concepts of social sciences and humanitarian disciplines and brings to light the ‘asset stripping’ of the normative systems. Multiculturalism in the context of a value-based university education is presented as relativism applied in the field of the social sciences with repercussions on social engineering and complete transformation of cultural and social values. Her conclusions about value perception and interpretation of multidisciplinary concepts of multiculturalism unearth in the final analysis concurrent processes leading to ideologization of scholarly disciplines and in particular law, which ceases to be a value and becomes a means used by the power structures of the globalized world.

6

The integration of minorities in the security forces in Israel: the case of Muslim Arab citizens in the Galilee

88%

Abu Ismail-Hassan K.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

|

2020

|

tom 17

|

nr 1

127-136

EN

Although many changes have occurred and accumulated significantly in Arab society in Israel and in the majority-minority relationship, the great class gap between Arabs and Jewish has been retained. This gap depends on the division of the resources in Israeli society. Inequality in this division and in the social relations between Jewish and Arabs continues, although there are indications that it is lessening. It is difficult to speak about co-existence and peace between Jews and Arabs, since today the Arabs of Israel are integrated in Israeli society primarily by negative and involuntary forces, such as economic dependency, political heresy, and social ecological isolation (Smooha, 2011: 13). The present research focuses only on the Muslim Arab population integrated into the security forces in Israel.

7

Antycyganizm i programy pomocowe adresowane do Romów w Polsce

88%

Talewicz-Kwiatkowska J.

|

nr 1

325-347

EN

Antigypsyism has been and still is a part of Roma and non-Roma relations. It also refers to activities that, paradoxically, are dedicated to Roma, although it would seem that there is no connection between stigmatization and willingness to help. These are two opposing poles. Because we rarely want to support those we don’t like. Therefore, if the Roma are helped, it means that they are liked, that someone cares about them and that someone cares that the Roma live a better life. The problem is what lies beneath the enigmatic term „better” and how the boundaries are set, the achievement of which will testify to the success of the activities. Tee purpose of this article is to analyse the content and circumstances related to the implementation assistance programs dedicated to Roma in the context of existing stereotypes and prejudices towards Roma.

8

Nations and Minorities in Psellos’ "Chronographia" (976–1078)

88%

Lauritzen F.

|

tom 9

319-331

EN

The Chronographia of Michael Psellos (1018–1081) reveals a limited interest in nations and minorities within and without the Byzantine Empire. He had access to information about these peoples either indirectly (1018–1042) or more directly (1042–1078). He has a greater understanding of their complexity, especially between 1042–1059 when his friend Constantine Leichoudes was mesazon. Psellos refers to nations and minorities in his Chronographia through the prism of the imperial court at Constantinople.

9

Tolerance or Recognition? What Can We Expect?

75%

Vainio O.-P. , Visala A.

|

tom 2

|

nr 1

EN

The last two decades have seen the (re)emergence of the concept of recognition in ethical and political theory. Oftentimes, recognition is seen as a deeper, more developed version of tolerance, without the problems that tolerance purportedly has. We should not “merely” tolerate different individuals, identities and cultures, but recognize them, or so the argument goes. This move from tolerance to recognition is not without its critics. We will outline some of these criticisms and address them with the resources provided by the theory of recognition. We will suggest that while some of the criticisms are unfounded, the move from tolerance to recognition has a number of problems that the critics have correctly pointed out. The relationship between tolerance and recognition is complex: both have their own aims and functions. We will suggest that there are cases–especially ones that involve deep moral disagreements–where tolerance is a more reasonable aim than recognition.

10

Struktura narodowościowa województwa zachodniopomorskiego

75%

Ślęzak M.

|

nr 4

5-23

XX

According to the results of the latest census the West Pomeranian Voivodship is ethnically homogeneous; within its territory there are various communities with ethnic identities that differ from the Polish one, yet their total proportion does not exceed the level of a few percent. The most numerous non-Polish communities are the Ukrainian and German ethnic minorities, and the Gypsy (Romani people’s) ethnic community. According to the analysed statistics the number of the people born in a given country does not affect the size of the population of the minorities or immigrants. The number of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship born outside Poland is several times higher that the number of the people of the same ethnic identity. For example, in 2011 in the West Pomeranian Voivodship there were over 16,600 people born in the Ukraine, but about 5,000 declared to be of Ukrainian nationality and only 129 were Ukrainian citizens. There were over 1,300 people born in France, 298 declared to be of the French nationality and 153 were citizens of France. The conclusion is that the people declaring to be of the Polish nationality are the dominant part of the population born outside Poland. A very small proportion of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship use a language other than Polish in their private contacts. The biggest part of them are English-speaking people (4,500), followed by the German-speaking population (3,300) and the Ukrainian-speaking one (2,500). With the exception of Ukrainian, which is considered as a native language by more people (2,700) than the ones who speak it at home, the other languages were less frequently mentioned as a native tongue than as the language used at home. But only the results of the next census will give a basis to carry out reliable comparative analyses concerning the ethnic structure of Poland and the West Pomeranian Voivodship (assuming that the questions will be identical with the ones of the 2011 questionnaire).

11

Development of Education for Indigenous Minorities in Alaska

75%

Gmerek T.

|

nr 38

151-169

EN

The history of development and modern forms of functioning of education for indigenous minorities in Alaska reveal trends which appeared in other areas of the Arctic. The systematic activity of education, along with the influence of other state institutions (military, offices), and also the often destructive influence of religious organizations contributed to irreversible changes in the ethnic awareness of indigenous communities. They have resulted in permanent changes in the ethnic identity of peoples inhabiting the Arctic for thousands of years. Initially, education was used by churches in the process of Christianization. Then, education was used to indoctrinate state ideologies (in particular national ones). And although currently various ethnic and national groups in the areas of the High North have opportunities in the sphere of using their own language and protecting their identity, the criteria for social promotion through the education system have remained unchanged. As a consequence, even representatives of large ethnic groups are determined – in their education and life choices. Nowadays, the drama of indigenous minorities living in Alaska and other minorities in the polar regions continues, and we cannot expect it to end in a “constructive” manner. The dilemma of “preserving identity” in the conditions of a multi-ethnic society does not lose its focus. Individuals from indigenous communities usually have to choose between achieving educational and socio-professional success (as part of the dominant majority system) and the attachment to their traditional culture.

12

Representation of National and Ethnic Minorities in the Hungarian Parliament

63%

Halász I.

|

nr 5

67-84

PL

Niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się na historii reprezentacji mniejszości narodowych w parlamencie węgierskim. Dawne Królestwo Węgier tradycyjnie było państwem wielonarodowym. W XIX w. połowa ludności była innego pochodzenia niż węgierskie. Kwestia mniejszości stała się jednym z najbardziej delikatnych problemów w okresie budowy państwa narodowego. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po I wojnie światowej, kiedy to Węgry utraciły dwie trzecie terytorium. Nowe Węgry w okresie międzywojennym były krajem stosunkowo jednolitym narodowościowo z nacjonalistycznym reżimem politycznym. Przed 1918 r. mniejszości narodowe miały reprezentację parlamentarną na podstawie ogólnych liberalnych przepisów wyborczych. Ustawodawstwo wyborcze nie znało preferencyjnego systemu reprezentacji mniejszości. Sytuacja wyglądała podobnie także w okresie międzywojennym. W okresie panowania ustroju socjalistycznego mniejszości narodowe były reprezentowane przez przywódców oficjalnych stowarzyszeń mniejszości narodowych podległych komunistom. Kwestia reprezentacji mniejszości w parlamencie zaczęła odgrywać bardzo ważną rolę po transformacji demokratycznej. Wbrew pierwotnym planom nowe węgierskie prawo wyborcze nie zagwarantowało specjalnej reprezentacji parlamentarnej dla mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych. System reprezentacji preferencyjnej narodził się dopiero w 2011 r. w ramach przebudowy węgierskiego prawa wyborczego. Obecnie lista wyborcza zgłoszona przez samorząd narodowy danej mniejszości narodowej lub etnicznej, aby uzyskać mandat parlamentarny, musi zdobyć tylko 25% głosów w stosunku do tego, co muszą osiągnąć zwykłe (ideologiczne) partie polityczne. Mniejszość niemiecka uzyskała taki mandat w latach 2018 i 2022. Pozostałe mniejszości mają w parlamencie rzeczników o specjalnym statusie konsultacyjnym. Model węgierski jest stosunkowo oryginalny w regionie środkowoeuropejskim. Nie przyjął pluralistycznego prawa wyborczego i odróżnia małe mniejszości od średnich.

EN

The paper focuses on the history of the national minority representation in the Hungarian parliament. The old Hungarian Kingdom was traditionally a multicultural country. The half of population did not have Hungarian origin in the 19th century. The minority issue became the one of most sensitive problems in the period of nation-state building. The situation changed after World War I when Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory. The new Hungary in the interwar period was a relatively ethnically homogenous country with a nationalist political regime. Before 1918, the national minorities had parliamentarian representation based on general liberal electoral rules. The electoral legislation did not know the preferential system of minority representation. The situation was similar also in the interwar period. The leaders of official national minority associations under communist influence represented the national minorities during the period of socialist regime. The issue of minority representation in parliament started to play a very important role after the democratic transition. Despite on the original plans, the new Hungarian electoral legislation did not guarantee special parliamentary representation for national and ethnic minorities. The system of preferential representation was born only in 2011 in the framework of the redesign of the Hungarian electoral law. Currently, the list submitted by the national self-government of concrete national or ethnic minority needs for the achieving of parliamentarian mandate only 25% of ballots, which is necessary for achieving of normal mandate by regular (ideological) political parties. The German minority has achieved this mandate in 2018 and 2022. Other minorities have in parliaments the spokespersons with special consultative status. The Hungarian model is relatively original in the Central European region. It did not recognise the plural electoral law and it distinguish between the small and middle size minorities.

13

Human Rights in Orthodoxy and Islam A Comparative Approach

63%

Boldişor A.

|

nr 1

116-133

EN

In a world where increasingly more voices from different geographical areas talk speak about equality between people, religions are called to uphold and preach human dignity and rights of all people, without taking account of race, sex or religion. In the interreligious dialog, the meetings between representatives of Christianity and Islam have multiplied considerably and they deal with themes analyzing preaching and defending human rights at all levels of life. From the preceding discussion it is clear that the human rights issue is quite sensitive, especially after the latest political, economic and social events that have shaken the world in which we live. After the period of time that the proclamation and recognition of global human rights were made as contained in the various international documents, it was passed into a new phase where the followers of different religions should work together for human dignity and human rights.

14

Konstytucyjny wymiar ochrony praw mniejszości narodowych w Austrii

63%

Godlewska E.

|

nr 5(69)

203-213

PL

W artykule wskazano na takie problemy badawcze, jak cechy porządku konstytucyjnego Austrii, historia konstytucjonalizmu austriackiego oraz główne akty prawne o charakterze konstytucyjnym. Celem analizy było określenie: a) jaki jest poziom ochrony mniejszości narodowych w Austrii, wynikający z porządku konstytucyjnego?, b) czy można mówić o ciągłości ochrony? oraz c) jaki jest bilans starcia regulacji prawnych z praktyką, a zatem czy można zdiagnozować jakieś problemy w tej materii? W artykule wskazano, że wynikający z porządku konstytucyjnego poziom ochrony mniejszości narodowych w Austrii ocenić należy jako wysoki. Status mniejszości określony został w szeregu aktów prawnych mających rangę konstytucyjną. Mamy do czynienia z ciągłością ochrony prawnej, zaś ewentualne problemy nie dotyczą stricte samego prawa lecz jego praktycznego zastosowania.

EN

The article indicates such research problems as the features of the Austrian constitutional order, the history of Austrian constitutionalism and the main legal acts of a constitutional nature. The aim of the analysis was to determine: a) what is the level of protection of national minorities in Austria, resulting from the constitutional order?, b) can we speak of continuity of protection?, and c) what is the balance between legal regulations and practice? The article indicates that the level of protection of national minorities in Austria resulting from the constitutional order should be assessed as high. The minority status has been defined in a number of constitutional legal acts. We are dealing with the continuity of legal protection, and any problems do not concern strictly the law itself, but its practical application.

15

Polacy na Ukrainie i Ukraińcy w Polsce, jako czynniki w stosunkach polsko-ukraińskich

63%

Stroński H.

|

nr XXVIII

401-415

EN

This paper shows the situation of Poles in modern Ukraine, their methods of self-organization and problems in achieving their goals. Drew attention to the relationship of the Polish minority of local and central authorities, as well as the attitude of the Polish government to compatriots in the East. A comparison with the situation of Poles living in Lithuania and Belarus. Shows the condition ofUkrainians in Poland, their methods of self-organization and relations with the authorities of the country of residence.

PL

W artykule pokazano sytuację Polaków we współczesnej Ukrainie, sposoby ich samoorganizacji i problemy w osiągnięciu swoich celów. Zwrócono uwagę na stosunki polskiej mniejszości narodowej z władzami lokalnymi i centralnymi, a także stosunek władz RP do rodaków na Wschodzie. Dokonano porównania z sytuacją Polaków mieszkających na Litwie i Białorusi. Przedstawiono kondycję Ukraińców w Polsce, sposoby ich samoorganizacji i stosunki z władzami państwa zamieszkania.

16

Mniejszość żydowska w Księstwie Bułgarii w latach 1879-1885. Wybrane problemy

62%

Rusin B.

|

nr 2

37-54

EN

The article describes the situation of the Jewish minority after establishing the Principality of Bulgaria in 1879. The situation of the Jewish minority and other ethnic and religious groups in the country was heavily dependent on the authorities and different governments aiming at the achievement of the national ideals of Bulgaria – the creation of an ethically solid and territorially united state in the Balkans. These goals influenced the Bulgarian policy towards Jewish and other minorities in the country, especially between 1882-1883 and 1884-1886, when pro-Russian politicians run the government. The Jews in the Principality worked mostly as small merchants and craftsmen, so even though they were considered to be wealthy their situation did not differ from the situation of the Bulgarian population of the country. Generally, the minority was deprived of the possibility of achieving high official and administration posts, as well as high military ranks in the army, even after the participation of the Jews in the Serbo-Bulgarian war in 1885. The education and the level of development of the Jewish culture in the country were also very low. Jewish schools were financially subsidized by international organisations, especially the Alliance Israelite Universelle, but the local communities still lacked money for teachers and proper buildings. Jewish theatres and newspapers were also underfunded, that is why the first Jewish newspaper appeared in the country only in 1893. In conclusion, therefore, it seems that the situation of the Jews in the Principality of Bulgaria was not particularly bad, especially when we take into consideration the level of anti-Semitism in neighbouring Romania. The Jews were satisfied with the conditions of living in Bulgaria, and they supported the national goals of the country, such as the unification of the Principality with the province of Eastern Roumelia in 1885.

17

The Problem of ‘Struggles for Recognition’ in Polish Sociology

51%

Kapralski S.

|

nr 3

351-372

EN

The author studies the reception of the theory of recognition, represented by Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, in Polish sociology. Even if this reception is at present not very wide, one can still identify at least three problem areas in which Polish sociologists work on similar issues and with similar approaches as those present in the theory of recognition. These areas are: studies on identity and agency, gender studies, and research on various dimensions of marginalization. The author argues that the theoretical perspective of the ‘struggles for recognition’ would be an interesting inspiration for the research of Polish sociologists and shows some indicators of the growing interest in that perspective in recent years

18

Multikulturalizm i jego wpływ na bezpieczeństwo demokracji liberalnej

51%

Polakowski M.

|

tom 4

46 - 52

PL

Wielokulturowość jest jednym z najważniejszych tematów debaty publicznej we współczesnym świecie zachodnim. Problem ten jest rozpatrywany przede wszystkim w kontekście trudności z dostosowaniem grup mniejszościowych do życia w społeczeństwach zachodnich, które są jedną z przyczyn kryzysu współczesnych ustrojów demokratycznych. Artykuł jest próbą rozpoznania podstawowych sprzeczności pomiędzy założeniami teorii multikulturalizmu a teoretycznymi podstawami liberalnych demokracji

EN

Multiculturalism is one of the most important issues discussed in the public forum of the modern western world. This issue is considered in the context of difficulties with the adaptation of the minority groups to the life in democratic societies, which is seen as one of the reasons for modern democratic systems’ crisis. The article attempts to recognize basic contradictions between assumptions of multicultural theories and theoretical foundations of liberal democracies

19

WSPÓŁCZESNY WIZERUNEK MNIEJSZOŚCI LATYNOAMERYKAŃSKIEJ KREOWANY W STANACH ZJEDNOCZONYCH

51%

Stanisławska M.

|

nr 1(79)

43-58

PL

Latynoamerykanie w Stanach Zjednoczonych są przedstawiani jako ubodzy i niewykształceni imigranci stanowiący zagrożenie dla pozostałych członków społeczeństwa. Niemniej jednak przedstawiciele tej mniejszości w ostatnich czasach stają się konsumentami przynoszącymi coraz większe zyski, a także wyborcami, z którymi muszą liczyć się politycy. Fakty te mogą wskazywać na awans społeczny i ekonomiczny tej grupy. Badacze zajmujący się zagadnieniem emigracji z krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej do Stanów Zjednoczonych określają wspomniane zjawisko mianem „latynoamerykańskiego paradoksu”. Arlene Davila w swojej książce Latino Spin: Public Image and the Whitewashing of Race przedstawia jego szczegółową analizę. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą omówienia głównych kwestii dotyczących wspomnianego „latynoamerykańskiego paradoksu”. Obejmują one postrzeganie Latynoamerykanów w USA, ich wizerunek wykreowany przez instytucje, specjalistów od marketingu i media. Omawiane problemy odnoszą się do aspektów nadawania rasy, obywatelstwa, wyboru tożsamości, relacji z Afroamerykanami, statusu społecznego i klasy w kontekście awansu ekonomicznego i potencjału tej mniejszości jako konsumentów.

EN

Latin Americans in the United States are generally presented as a group of poor and uneducated immigrants that pose threat to other members of society. Yet, representatives of this minority recently have become profitable consumers and influential voters, which may indicate social and economic advancement. Thus researchers dealing with the issues of Latino integration in the U.S. define this phenomenon as Latino paradox. Arlene Davila in her book Latino Spin: Public Image and the Whitewashing of Race presents its detailed analysis. This article is an attempt to discuss the main issues pertinent to Latino paradox. They encompass aspects of Latino perception in the Unites States and their image created by institutions, marketers and the media. The discussed problems cover, among others, racialization, citizenship and identity choices, relations with African Americans, social status and class in relation to economic advancement and the potential of this minority as consumers.