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EN
The article is devoted to the history of entrepreneurship in Siberia of early 19th – early 20th century. Historiography of entrepreneurial activity in the largest region of Russia is poorly studied. The theoretical basis of the article is the theory of modernization. The main method of research is historiographical analysis. The article is based on the study of a wide range of scientific literature on the history of entrepreneurship in Siberia. The paper highlights the periods of study of entrepreneurship, the main approaches, research problems. As a result of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that nowadays there are both a large number of publications and genre diversity, and an increase in the source base of the breadth of research problems, the search for new methodological approaches. As a result of the work done, historians managed to accumulate a large amount of factual material, study the history of entrepreneurship in the region, cover almost all aspects of the life of Siberian entrepreneurs.
EN
Medieval Hanseatic merchants travelled to many places around Europe. It sounds trivial, but the fact that they were foreigners outside their own city-walls, caused many problems, i.a. in regard to their integration in the religious landscape abroad. To begin with, the following article shortly outlines the conditions of the pratique réligieuse of foreigners in the Orbis Catholicus. It shows what rules governed the life and death of foreigners in the religious sense, how and where Hanseatic merchants were allowed to attend masses, to confess and to take the holy communion; it also reveals what laws applied in the case of death in regard to the last unction and the burial. Secondly, the ways Hanseatic merchants handled different situations abroad were analysed. One may indicate their own chronological and geographical dimensions; the questions of power are also touched upon. It was stated that the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 constituted a turning point, because it made the parish become a stable institution. Prior to 1215, merchants had been able to take their own priest with them or to establish their own churches abroad, as they were also later able to do this outside of the Orbis Catholicus. Nevertheless, after 1215 they had to adjust to the conditions inside the Catholic world, which made them adopt different approaches. If they were powerful enough, they could get their own parish churches or parish rights, like it was in the case of Visby, Riga, Bergen or the Scanian Fairs. Yet, it created new problems. If they were not powerful enough to have their own standing, they were integrated into the existing parishes abroad. There they tried to distinguish themselves by creating their own symbols or chapels inside the parish churches. However, it also caused complications, e.g. in the case of confession. How to confess and to get the absolution when the confessor did not understand the penitent? Mendicant orders could fill the gap, but this solution created even more problems. By taking a closer look at various areas of the Hanseatic trade, from Novgorod and Polotsk to London and Bruges, this article shows, in a more systematic manner, different solutions of the problems caused by ecclesiastical law and practical life. In the end, it can be shown that Hanseatic merchants abroad constituted an integral part of the sacred landscape of these foreign places, not only by using it, but also by actively shaping it. In this way, they were no longer foreigners abroad, but fratres Christiana.
EN
Medieval Hanseatic merchants travelled to many places around Europe. It sounds trivial, but the fact that they were foreigners outside their own city-walls, caused many problems, i.a. in regard to their integration in the religious landscape abroad. To begin with, the following article shortly outlines the conditions of the pratique réligieuse of foreigners in the Orbis Catholicus. It shows what rules governed the life and death of foreigners in the religious sense, how and where Hanseatic merchants were allowed to attend masses, to confess and to take the holy communion; it also reveals what laws applied in the case of death in regard to the last unction and the burial. Secondly, the ways Hanseatic merchants handled different situations abroad were analysed. One may indicate their own chronological and geographical dimensions; the questions of power are also touched upon. It was stated that the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 constituted a turning point, because it made the parish become a stable institution. Prior to 1215, merchants had been able to take their own priest with them or to establish their own churches abroad, as they were also later able to do this outside of the Orbis Catholicus. Nevertheless, after 1215 they had to adjust to the conditions inside the Catholic world, which made them adopt different approaches. If they were powerful enough, they could get their own parish churches or parish rights, like it was in the case of Visby, Riga, Bergen or the Scanian Fairs. Yet, it created new problems. If they were not powerful enough to have their own standing, they were integrated into the existing parishes abroad. There they tried to distinguish themselves by creating their own symbols or chapels inside the parish churches. However, it also caused complications, e.g. in the case of confession. How to confess and to get the absolution when the confessor did not understand the penitent? Mendicant orders could fill the gap, but this solution created even more problems. By taking a closer look at various areas of the Hanseatic trade, from Novgorod and Polotsk to London and Bruges, this article shows, in a more systematic manner, different solutions of the problems caused by ecclesiastical law and practical life. In the end, it can be shown that Hanseatic merchants abroad constituted an integral part of the sacred landscape of these foreign places, not only by using it, but also by actively shaping it. In this way, they were no longer foreigners abroad, but fratres Christiana.
4
100%
Afryka
|
2016
|
nr 43
121-154
EN
The article scrutinizes the sources and manifestations of risk that was involved in the East African caravan trade in the 19th century (i.e. the pre-colonial, as well as the early colonial period). Also, the text is devoted to the means of trust building (such as cognatic ties, blood brotherhood) that were used to minimize uncertainty that was inherent in the business activities in multiethnic and stateless societies. The stress is put on the clash of different legal traditions, culturally motivated patterns of economic behaviour and economic ethics. In the conclusion, author attempts to interpret the relevant issues in the light of the generally known features of the historical processes: political centralisation of the Sultanate of Zanzibar, the penetration of the interior by Muslims, and destabilisation of the interior.
EN
The article focusses on the analysis of crafts and professions that occurred in particular Armenian communities and diaspora centres in modern history. In this respect, it is possible to discover a certain trend to carry out some types of professions, which then determined the social status and the social position. Influential Armenian merchants (khodjas) acted not only as mediators who connected several cultures due to their minority position, but also as benefactors and philanthropists who supported the Armenian Apostolic Church first, and then even the first generations of Armenian revivalists. Their virtual monopoly for trading in silk, gold and jewellery helped them create international trade networks the effect of which became evident both in West-European cities and in the Far East. Judging from period travellers’ reports, the share of Armenian city elite was quite distinct in Ottoman and Persian cities; (according to European authors) they represented the “visible minority” which most reference works from that time refer to and whose image became, due to frequent descriptions, an integral part of the European discourse concerning Orient, or Christian Orient by extension. Armenian merchant dynasties of amiras became the main motor for Ottoman industrialization; the Armenians in the role of sarrafs (bankers) guaranteed both sultans’ and European banks’ loans.
EN
This study deals with the theme of commercial practice in the pre-industrial period and presents some of the contemporary directions of the German, Austrian and Italian historiographies. Simultaneously, the study attempts to evaluate the potential application of these methodological approaches for researching the Czech environment. Its text presents some recent results of research in the environs of merchants in Early Modern Age Prague. Namely, recent findings related to commodity and finance credit; book-keeping and accounting, as well as managing customer-supplier relations are dealt with. At the same time further fields of research themes are defined and potential directions and perspectives of future research are proposed.
EN
To date, the problem of acceptance of payment systems and technology from the consumer's perspective has been intensively investigated. Dahlberg et al. [1, 2] indicated diminishing need for additional research on the acceptance of payment systems by consumers. On the contrary, evaluation of adoption of payment systems by other participants of the market in the e-commerce ecosystem, in particular merchants, is still missing. This paper attempts to fill the existing gap. The objective of this paper is to propose determinants that merchants use as guidance in accepting or not a payment system. The main factors influencing the acceptance of payment systems by merchants have been defined basing on the commercially available “eXpay” system [8], as well as the TAM and UTAUT models. On this basis, a new model containing intention constructs and moderators significant from the merchants' perspective has been proposed. In the paper, the components of the model and possibilities of its application in further research are discussed.
8
58%
EN
The issue of non-cash transactions in Poland is of particular importance due to the ongoing socio-economic transformation. After the recent statutory reduction in the interchange fee charged to merchants for card payment, the value of non-cash transactions can be significantly increased. This trend has been observed in other countries and the faster development of supporting infrastructure has also been noted. The quality and availability of such infrastructure in Poland is improving, and due to the guidance issued by payment organizations, in two years time the card acceptance network in Poland will be one of the most modern in the world. There are also important social changes - currenlty the most active group using non-cash settlements are young and middle-aged people with tertiary education. The development of education enforces the growing awareness of safety and comfort of the solutions based on non-cash payments. Polish society is using bank services more often and an increasing number of a debit and credit cards is issued. Moreover, Poland is a particulary absorbent market for innovation, therefore the development of mobile payments may be faster than in other countries. Implementation of modern technologies, such as payments using biometric features, will also contribute to the development of non-cash transactions.
9
Content available Niemieccy kupcy i czarownica w Krakowie w 1642 r.
58%
EN
On 25 October 1642, Adam Fister, a Cracow merchant, reported to the local justice that the Lübeck tradesman Casper Bekman had recurred to magical practices with the help of the witch he visited at the Spital Garden, behind the city walls, near St Florian’s Gate. Next to the Spital, serving as an almshouse, there was a cemetery with the graves discovered in 1837. They were groundlessly connected with the Polish Brethren, and this false interpretation has its continuation today in the name of Arian St., downtown Cracow. In fact, the hospital and the graveyard belonged to the local Lutheran congregation, and the Cracow merchants whose opinions Fister recalled at the court were its members.
PL
25 października 1642 r. krakowianin Adam Fister zdał relację miejscowemu wójtowi o magicznych rytuałach odprawianych na prośbę lubeckiego kupca Kaspra Bekmana przez czarownicę w ogrodzie szpitalnym za murami miejskimi, nieopodal Bramy Floriańskiej. Wzmiankowany w źródle szpital-przytułek sąsiadował z cmentarzem, którego groby odkryto w 1837 r. Połączono je wtedy bezpodstawnie z braćmi polskimi, a współczesnym świadectwem tej fałszywej tradycji jest ul. Ariańska. Faktycznie szpital i cmentarz należały do miejscowej gminy luterańskiej, jej członkami byli zaś zapewne wymienieni w źródle krakowscy kupcy.
EN
This article is a presentation of St. John Chrysostom’s social teaching on the value of work. This teaching is grounded in the Holy Scriptures. By describing Christ and certain biblical figures (e.g. St. Paul) as people of work, Chrysostom underscores the meaning and value of labor. He does so contrary to the opinion of the wealthy in the Antioch society, who despised both the physical labor and the people performing it. In the teaching of the Archbishop of Constantinople, physical work is a cooperation with God in the effort of transforming the world. It is an element which ennobles a human being, provides him with the means necessary to support his life and enabling him to undertake the works of mercy. St. John also highlights the difficult situation of many peasants, craftsmen and merchants, and in this way he tries to direct the attention of the wealthy to this social problem. It can be deduced from Chrysostom’s writing that the life of slaves, which constituted a large portion of the late antique society, was generally modest and filled with work – especially the most onerous one. In giving instructions to slaves, St. John admonishes them to be submissive to their masters and do their work well. In speaking to the masters, however, he recommended that their relationships with slaves were humanitarian and shaped according to the Gospel. It is noteworthy to see that the element of love of one’s neighbor (philanthropy) and forgiving mercy brought new quality into the social structures of the time, especially between a master and a slave.
PL
This article seeks to interpret the dispute between Christian and Jewish merchants that took place in Breslau (today, Wrocław in Poland) in the first half of the nineteenth century. The dispute arose in the eighteenth century and severely deepened after the reforms designed by Heinrich Friedrich Karl vom und zum Stein and Karl August von Hardenberg were being introduced in Prussia since 1807. Among other aspects, the conflict revolved around the rapid development of the local Jewish religious community and the fast expansion of its steam-gathering economic elite. The development of Silesian trade, with an enormous role of Jews in it, was accompanied by continuous attempts at regaining the Eastern markets, partly lost after Prussia annexed Silesia in 1740 as well as resulting from the decisions of the 1815 Vienna Congress. In order to restore Breslau as an intermediary in trade between the West and the East and make it an important stock-exchange hub, collective action was a must. However, conflicts between merchants of different religions, including keeping the Jewish merchants off the local exchange, obstructed the design. The dispute was partly averted when a Chamber of Commerce was set up in Breslau in 1849. However, only the gradual quitting by the Christian merchants, members of the merchant corporation, of their privileged position in the organisation of local trade gave way to a compromise. The construction in 1864–7 of a common ‘exchange’ can be perceived as epitomising the completion of a centuries-long dispute. The monumental edifice, the largest and the showiest of all exchange buildings east of Berlin at the time, testified to high aspirations of Breslavian economic circles and their keen willingness to develop trading business far beyond the then-frontier of the state.
PL
Kupcy z Europy Zachodniej działający w Famaguście na Cyprze – w tym Genueńczycy, Wenecjanie, Katalończycy, Pizańczycy, Prowansalczycy i przedstawiciele innych narodowości oraz kupcy cypryjscy mający siedzibę w tym portowym mieście – sporządzali u notariuszy genueńskich i weneckich testa­menty, z których wiele zachowało się do dzisiaj. Testamenty te stanowią cenne źródło wiedzy o darowiznach i spadkach, które kupcy przepisywali na rzecz członków rodziny i przyjaciół, a także instytucji, zwłaszcza takich jak kościoły, klasztory i zakony żebracze. Ponadto w dokumentach tych znajdziemy zapis kredytów i długów cypryjskich kupców wobec różnych wierzycieli, dekrety wyzwolenia należących do nich niewolników, którzy czasem również otrzymy­wali spadek, a sporadycznie także listy z wyszczególniem przedmiotów mate­rialnych, takich jak odzież, sztućce lub waluty znajdujące się w ich posiadaniu. Z tego rodzaju informacji możemy wywnioskować, że kupcy utrzymywali sto­sunki handlowe i osobiste z przedstawicielami innych narodowości lub wyznań chrześcijańskich, posiadali niewolników o różnym pochodzeniu etnicznym i waluty nienależące do królestwa Lusignan na Cyprze, a także przedmioty pochodzące z innych terytoriów. Te zjawiska świadczą o ich mobilności geo­graficznej i chęci przekraczania granic fizycznych, finansowych oraz kulturo­wych. Zdarzało się nawet, że kupcy cypryjscy zapisywali sumy pieniężne oso­bom i Kościołom obrządku niełacińskiego. Moją intencją w tym artykule jest zbadanie oraz ocena znaczenia i użyteczności takich testamentów. Pragnę rów­nież w nim zwrócić uwagę, że z treści cypryjskich testamentów możemy się dowiedzieć, jak, dlaczego i do jakiego stopnia kupcy przekraczali granice naro­dowe, etniczne i religijne zarówno w kontaktach handlowych, jak i osobistych. Ponadto omówione zostaną również ograniczenia zakresu informacji zawar­tych w tych testamentach oraz przyczyny istnienia tych ograniczeń.
EN
The Western merchants operating in Famagusta, Cyprus-including Geno­ese, Venetians, Catalans, Pisans, Provençals, other nationalities, and Cypriot merchants based in this port city-drew up wills with Genoese and Vene­tian notaries, a number of which are extant. These wills impart information on the bequests these merchants made to family members and friends as well as to institutions, particularly churches, monasteries, and mendicant orders. Furthermore, they record the credits and debts of these merchants to various parties, decree the manumission of slaves owned by the merchants-some of whom also received bequests-and on occasion list material objects such as clothing, silverware, or sums of currency in their possession. We can glean from these types of information that merchants had commercial and personal relations with members of nationalities or Christian denominations different to their own, had slaves of various ethnic backgrounds, and had in their pos­session currencies other than that of the Lusignan kingdom of Cyprus, as well as objects originating from elsewhere. These are phenomena that testify to their geographical mobility and their willingness to cross physical, financial, as well as cultural boundaries. On occasion, they even bequeathed sums of money to individuals and churches of non-Latin rites. In this paper, I intend to examine and assess the importance and utility of such wills, explaining that through their contents one can discover how, why and the extent to which merchants crossed national, ethnic and religious boundaries in both their commercial and their personal dealings. In addition, the limitations of the information such wills offer and the reasons why these limitations exist will also be discussed.
EN
In the article, the topic of the medieval „discovering” of the market is discussed, with the references to the Paolo Prodis’ book Settimo non rubare. Furto e mercato nella storia dell’Occidente. The author of the book, following Harold Berman, finds the changes in the 11th and 12th century Church, as the decisive mile stones in the development of the civilization of Western Christianity. The mentioned „papal revolution” led to the historical distinction between the spiritual and the political sphere, and later, to the autonomy of economic one. Accordingly, the Italian historian rejects the thesis that Enlightenment was the new beginning in the European history. In the P. Prodi’s analysis, the Latin term forum plays the crucial role. The word signified the place, square, especially the place where court proceedings occurred. Therefore, in the later abstract sense forum signified criteria or rules of judgement: both in the juridical meaning (forum civile, f. canonico, f. consciantiae), and the economic one, in which forum meant exactly „the market”. The “discovering” of the market rules was a consequence the development of the theoretical reasoning about mercantile activity. It was essentially related to the concepts of the just price (iustum pretium) and the common estimation (communis aestimatio). According to P. Prodi the common character of the estimation was of essential importance, as well as the new version of the Roman rule Res tantum valet, quantum vendi potest, with the medevial addendum: scilicet communiter. The author criticised the view, that the process of defining of the market was mainly the result of reception of Aristotelian Ethics and Politics. He underlined that in the penitential handbooks of the 12th and 13th century the focus was significantly shifted from the vice of avarice to the commandment „You shall not steal”; moreover the significant violation of the rules of fair market exchange begun to be considered as a sin against this commandment. In the article, the significance of the application of the notion forum commune by Thomas Aquinas (in the treatise on credit sale) was underlined. The interconnection between the concept of the market and the idea of common good was expressed in the juxtaposition of terms: forum commune – bonum commune. M. W. Bukała observes that the thesis about the limited influence of Aristotelian thought on the examined issue can be additionally confirmed by the analysis of the Article on mercantile profit in Summa Theologiae by St. Thomas (II-II, q. 77, a. 4), where Aquinas distances himself from the Philosopher’s view. The P. Prodi discourses were amended by the significant distinction: not every violation of ethics of economic life was considered as the theft by the medieval moralists – e.g.: the determinatio of the casus of buying grain with the deferred delivery for an undercut price, in canon „Naviganti” (X 5.5.19, 2do), and in the related comments of the 13th century canonist, Clarus Florentinus. Moreover, the Jacques Le Goff’s critique of the Prodi’s approach was undermined.
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