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2022
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tom No. 2 (10)
3--14
EN
In this article, the author will present issues directly related to the security of critical infrastructure, which includes, inter alia, infrastructure ensuring energy security of our country. In view of the geopolitical events that we have witnessed recently, this is one of the key problems to be solved in the legislative and systemic spheres. The problem of legislative, competence and equipment shortages in securing the critical infrastructure of the Republic of Poland at sea has been repeatedly signaled, but very often it was met with some leniency, as no one assumed that a conflict that was so brutal and "classic" in its shape could occur. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has arisen. Critical infrastructure includes not only future offshore wind farms, but also, inter alia, ports, refineries, power plants, mining platforms, etc., the protection of which would require serious revision. In this publication, however, the author will focus primarily on issues related to offshore wind energy and possible investments related to the production of hydrogen in Polish maritime areas.
EN
The 21st century rivalry of the maritime powers took the form of substitute activities. These are military incidents, control, or seizure of a shipping entity, and activities that threaten shipping itself. This determines the state of maritime security of Poland, because the Baltic has become one of the areas of its conduct. The adopted form of importing energy carriers along with the forming an alliance with the US construction of the alliance with the USA creates the possibility of taking hostile actions against it. It is necessary to adapt the form of operation of the Polish Navy to these threats. Based on the analysis of international, and national legal regulations, strategic documents of maritime powers, and applied forms of maritime activity, the scope of changes in Polish maritime policy was determined. Modifications of the definition of terms maritime piracy and unlawful assault at sea in Polish legal regulations were considered necessary, they should also include activities of maritime terrorism, subversion and sabotage of offshore facilities and installations, as well as ships operating. The principle of linking defense tasks against the sea attack, and maintaining navigation continuity was proposed as an element determining the construction method of the Polish Navy and the scope of combat training. On this basis, its combat potential and scope of training were determined. It should cover four areas (preparation for defense operations, combating nontraditional risks, how to respond to provocative, and criminal activities).
PL
This article analyses the Polish maritime programme after the Second World War, as expressed in scholarship of two main Polish research institutions: the Baltic Institute and the Western Institute. Given the considerable border changes at the end of the war, which incorporated a long coastline and three major ports on the Baltic Sea (Danzig/Gdańsk, Stettin/Szczecin and Gdynia) into post-war Poland, the maritime programmes gained a new basis for operations in comparison to the interwar period, and thus had to be adapted accordingly. They contained both continuities and modifications: in ideological terms they were based on the prewar premises of Poland’s origins as a Baltic Sea country, and had a strong anti-German dimension. On the other hand, they were more pragmatic and concentrated on the organization of the maritime economy and education. Similarly as in the interwar period, they were also seen as a modernizing project: the maritime economy and education were supposed to connect the Polish nation with the whole world, and thus assure its equal status as part of the Western world.
4
Content available remote Assessment of ISPS Code Compliance at Ports Using Cognitive Maps
75%
EN
International ship and port facility security (ISPS) Code was developed by the International Maritime Organization (IMO) as an execution framework to ensure high level of security measures applicable to ships and port facilities. Besides contributions of ISPS Code towards security improvement, additional bureaucracy (i.e. documentation, certification, training, expenses etc.) and serious shortfalls have appeared dur-ing implementation process. This paper explores the ISPS Code practice at ports based on cognitive mapping approach. The outcomes of this research can be proposed to international maritime authorities in order to enhance the existing concept and regulatory compliances of the ISPS Code in respect to industrial feedback.
5
Content available remote Turkish Maritime Transport Policy (1960-2008)
75%
EN
An inward-oriented strategy was adopted for the Turkish maritime sector from 1923 – the foundation date of the Republic of Turkey – to 1952. A partially liberal policy was experienced beginning from 1952, and a planned development period has started since 1962. This study is aimed at investigating the principles and targets for the maritime sector beginning from the first five-year development plan to the current plan including 2013, and evaluating whether the stated targets have been achieved or not. Moreover it is also planned to investigate the maritime transportation and to state the new opportunities and current issues about Turkey briefly.
EN
The research paper summed up on the requirements of the application code security and safety of ships and ports (ISPS) and the technical aspects necessary for the application by the Saudi marine Ports. The requirements of the international code of safety and security of ships and ports such as: - Additional tasks to be undertaken by port management - Activities and tasks that will port authorities - The impact of the elements of the maritime transport - Application and amendments to the deck - Government requirements - Special requirements for the management of ships - Application optimized for the requirements of the code ,Also interested in the research paper the mechanism of how to put these requirements into effect and the positive impact associated with the application. And also the requirements of the bridge on the ship ,beside clarification of the interconnections between the parties to the transfer process, such as administration of the commercial maritime fleet operations, control to the owners and how the administrative process for the crew to apply the appropriate code on the deck of ships and mutual relations with the insurance and chartering operations as well as the role of the port facility, to arrived How can the ports of Saudi Arabia to benefit from the positive application of code requirements and to enable these requirements with the parties to the process of maritime transport.
7
Content available remote Obszary morskie Polski
75%
PL
We współczesnym świecie obserwuje się dążność państw nadbrzeżnych do zawłaszczania, na podstawie norm prawa międzynarodowego, coraz rozleglejszych akwenów morskich. Również Bałtyk stał się obszarem takich zabiegów ze strony państw leżących nad tym morzem. Państwo polskie także podjęło adekwatne działania w celu zabezpieczenia interesów polskich na odpowiednich obszarach morza bałtyckiego. Na podstawie ustawodawstwa wewnętrznego ustanowione są obecnie trzy polskie obszary morskie - morskie wody wewnętrzne, morze terytorialne, wyłączna strefa ekonomiczna. Rozgraniczenie tych obszarów i odpowiednich obszarów państw sąsiadujących zostało dokonane na mocy umów międzynarodowych. Jedynie z Danią Polska nie zawarła stosownej umowy, w związku ze sporem jaki oba kraje toczą o akwen wyłącznej strefy ekonomicznej, leżący na południe od wyspy Bornholm. Artykuł prezentuje polskie obszary morskie i ich status prawny. Publikację uzupełnia mapa przedstawiająca układ wspomnianych obszarów na Morzu Bałtyckim.
EN
It can be observed that in the present world there is a tendency of the seashore countries to appropriate, on the basis of international legal norms, more and more extensive sea reservoirs. The Baltic Sea also became the area of such interventions made by countries situated by this sea. Poland also undertook adequate activities in order to protect its interest on the appropriate areas of the Baltic Sea. On the basis of internal legislation, three Polish sea zones were established: the internal seawaters, the territorial sea and the exclusive economic zone. The delimitation of these areas and of suitable territories of the neighbouring countries was made on the legal strength of international agreements. Only Poland and Denmark did not conclude suitable agreements as a result of the litigation between these two countries as to the reservoir of the exclusive economic zone lying south of Bornholm Island. The article presents the Polish sea areas and their legal status. The publication is supplemented with a map showing the arrangement of the above-mentioned zones on the Baltic Sea.
EN
Nowadays it is obvious that maritime transport is the core element of word economy so each disturbance in the world shipping can create more or less serious problems for world economy, especially now when the world crises appeared. The piracy activities showed that shipping safety in the Gulf of Aden and waters around the Somalia should be considered as an international problem. The Somali piracy has complex reasons, so it is not easy to provide safety of shipping in this region without wide spectrum of action and international cooperation. The paper presents analyze of piracy root in Somalia, the development of piracy activities and steps of international community which should be taken to provide safety and secure shipping in this region.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono miejsce i rolę zagranicznych wojskowych misji morskich w organizacji i rozwoju sił morskich w Polsce w latach 1919-1957. szczególną uwagę zwrócono na uwarunkowania polityczno-militarne w jakich działały misje oraz ich wpływ na polską wojskową politykę morską.
EN
The article introduced the place and role of foreign naval missions in the organization and developmentof naval forces in Poland in years 1919-1957. Particular attention was paid to political military conditioning in which missions were put into action as well as their influence on the Polish military naval policy.
10
Content available Global Ocean Governance
75%
EN
This paper presents a few general comments on the effective global ocean governance (GOG). The Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) establishes fundamental legal principles for the governance of the marine environment and its resources. Furthermore, in the context of GOG the international community is conscious that improving of global and regional cooperation ought to be in the mainstream of socio-economic and political discourse. Nowadays, the UNCLOS is not able to give an answer for all new questions arising in the law of the sea. Therefore, it would seem that there is a great need to provide more pragmatic approaches to global ocean governance by international community as well as national governments, using the holistic paradigm of sustainable development. At the regional level, the European Union promotes an integrated maritime policy. Each EU marine Member State is obliged to prepare national integrated maritime policy as a part of the integrated maritime policy of EU. The Maritime Policy of Poland was approved by the Council of Ministers on 17 March 2015.
EN
Baltic Sea maritime transport makes up about 15% of all cargo globally transported via sea, which makes it one of the busiest maritime areas all over the world [1]. At the same time shipping operations create environmental pressures to the air, discharges of oil, sewage from passenger ships as well as invasion of alien organisms from ships’ ballast water or hulls [2]. In order to move from assessment of discharges from one ship to a certain area, it is necessary to combine the discharge factors to the activity patterns [3]. In this study the shipping activities that have environmental impact in the Estonian sea area will be analysed. In addition, the activities will be related with their source of pollution (e.g., manoeuvring, anchoring, loading/unloading cargo) and the impact or consequences are analysed (e.g., emission to air (CO2, SOx, NOx) discharge to water (antifouling paints, scrubber water, ballast water, bilge water, black water), physical discharge (underwater noise) etc). Finally, we assess the relative importance of the environmental effect of shipping in Estonian waters.
12
Content available remote Maritime Consciousness as a Factor in the Development of Sea Infrastructure
75%
EN
The following article, presented on the TRANSNAV 2015 conference in Gdynia discusses the topic of maritime consciousness and its impact. Through maritime consciousness we perceive the raising and sustaining of social awareness and interest in marine economy. This is a critical factor in the efficient functioning of any maritime nation. The maritime tradition of a given state is a non-interchangeable component in the comprehending of the significant benefits flowing from naval commerce, by the society and, more importantly, its governing body. In this article we looked into the various elements influencing the growth of the merchant navies in countries such as China, Norway and Poland.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł zaprezentowany na konferencji TRANSNAV 2015 w Gdyni porusza temat świadomości morskiej oraz jej znaczenia dla handlu. Poprzez świadomość morską należy rozumieć szereg składowych wpływających na sposób, w jaki morze oraz związane z nim sektory gospodarki są odbierane przez społeczeństwo. Stanowi ona niezmiernie ważny element w prawidłowym funkcjonowaniu każdego państwa z dostępem do morza. W tej pracy przeanalizowano wpływ wszelakich czynników na rozwój flot handlowych i gospodarki morskiej w takich krajach jak Chiny, Norwegia i Polska.
13
Content available Francuska koncepcja mocarstwa morskiego w XXI wieku
63%
PL
Francuska koncepcja mocarstwa morskiego została oparta na tezie, iż państwo o takim potencjale i położeniu geograficznym powinno kreować regionalne projekty długofalowej zrównoważonej eksploatacji akwenów morskich i regionów przybrzeżnych. Koncepcja ta została dostosowana do istniejących uwarunkowań politycznych, a zwłaszcza faktu funkcjonowania w strukturze państwa zamorskich posiadłości pozaeuropejskich (terytoria zależne). Francuska mocarstwowość morska jest postrzegana także jako zdolność do kreowania procesów rozwojowych wokół terytoriów zależnych. W oparciu o dokonane analizy oficjalnych dokumentów strategicznych (zwłaszcza Stratégie nationale pour la mer et le littoral z 2017 roku) stwierdzono, że najefektywniejszym instrumentem tej polityki jest wykorzystanie regionalnych układów politycznych, w których rolę kreatora działań odgrywać będzie Francja. Formuła tego zaangażowania jest ściśle dostosowana do specyfiki francuskich interesów w danym regionie i prowadzona przez państwowych interesariuszy z wykorzystaniem możliwości jakie daje członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej. Jej ograniczeniem jest natomiast potencjał gospodarczy jakim dysponuje Republika Francuska.
EN
The French concept of a maritime power was based on the thesis that a state with such potential and geographical location should create regional projects for the long-term sustainable exploitation of the sea basins and coastal regions. This concept was adapted to the existing political conditions, especially the fact that overseas non-European possessions (dependent territories) function within the state structure. French maritime power is also seen as the ability to create development processes around dependent territories. Based on analyses of official strategic documents, including the Stratégie nationale pour la mer et le littoral (2017), it was concluded that the most effective instrument of this policy is the use of regional political arrangements, in which France will play the role of creator of activities. The formula for this engagement is strictly tailored to the specifics of French interests in a given region and conducted by state stakeholders using the opportunities offered by membership in the European Union. Its limitation, however, is the economic potential available to the Fifth Republic.
EN
The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Carriage of Goods Wholly or Partly by Sea (the ‘Rotterdam Rules’) was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 11 December 2008. The Rotterdam Rules contain two oft-criticised changes from the existing regime governing international carriage of goods widely adopted among maritime nations, namely the International Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules Relating to Bills of Lading, Brussels, 25 August 1924 (the ‘Hague Rules’) and its subsequent Protocol in 1968 (the ‘Visby Protocol’ or the ‘Hague-Visby Rules’). These changes are, namely, an extension of the carrier’s obligations to maintain seaworthy vessel throughout the voyage (Article 14) and a deletion of an exclusion of carrier’s liabilities due to negligent navigation (Article 17). This paper addresses implications of these changes and assess whether ship-owners and ship-operators can comply with these without having to incur excessive additional expenses.The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Carriage of Goods Wholly or Partly by Sea (the ‘Rotterdam Rules’) was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 11 December 2008. The Rotterdam Rules contain two oft-criticised changes from the existing regime governing international carriage of goods widely adopted among maritime nations, namely the International Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules Relating to Bills of Lading, Brussels, 25 August 1924 (the ‘Hague Rules’) and its subsequent Protocol in 1968 (the ‘Visby Protocol’ or the ‘Hague-Visby Rules’). These changes are, namely, an extension of the carrier’s obligations to maintain seaworthy vessel throughout the voyage (Article 14) and a deletion of an exclusion of carrier’s liabilities due to negligent navigation (Article 17). This paper addresses implications of these changes and assess whether ship-owners and ship-operators can comply with these without having to incur excessive additional expenses.
Logistyka
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2014
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tom nr 6
1156--1164, CD
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę oceny rangi jaką decydenci na szczeblu rządowym nadają polskiej gospodarce morskiej. Aby zrealizować powyższy cel wykazano uniwersalność problematyki, która w ramach polityki morskiej jest/ powinna być podnoszona. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na te branże, które najszybciej się rozwijają, oraz te które potencjalnie mogą generować wysoką wartość dodaną dla gospodarki narodowej. Wykazano, że w polskich realiach gospodarka morska nie jest kompleksowo badana (niepełne statystyki gospodarki narodowej), zarządzana (administracja rządowa nie obejmuje wszystkich aktywności związanych z morzem),ani planowana (dokumenty strategiczne w niewielkim stopni odnoszą się do tej sfery działalności gospodarczej).
EN
In this article was made an attempt to assess the significance of Polish maritime economy, for national economy. To achieve this purpose, it was pointed out the multitude and variety of maritime issues. The special attention was paid to businesses which develop the fastest and the sectors which can generate high GVA. It was pointed out, that in Polish circumstances, the maritime economy isn’t comprehensively researched, managed nor planned.
EN
The establishment of a naval armed force was one of the conditions for the independent existence of the Republic of Poland, which on 10 February 1920 testified to its enduring bond with the sea. Those who underlined that Poland stood on a bare seashore, aware that an enormous social and economic effort was necessary to make up for centuries of neglect in the maritime field were right. It must be strongly emphasized that the Navy did not derive from the November decree, but from the genuine endeavor of the country that aspired to play a serious political role in this part of Europe. For this reason, among others, bold plans for the construction of a navy were designed, notwithstanding that their execution was beyond the capabilities of a country in which every area of social and economic life was becoming a challenge. The inter-war period saw considerable progress in maritime affairs, including those directly pertaining to defence. Nonetheless, it was not adequate to the scale of the threat, which had serious repercussions in September 1939.
PL
Powołanie do życia morskiej siły zbrojnej było jednym z warunków niepodległego bytu Rzeczypospolitej, która 10 lutego 1920 r. dała świadectwo trwałej więzi z morzem. Rację mieli ci, którzy podkreślali, że stanęła Polska nad pustym brzegiem morza ze świadomością potrzeby ogromnego wysiłku społecznego i ekonomicznego, by w dziedzinie morskiej odrobić wiekowe zaniedbania. Flota wojenna, co należy mocno podkreślić, nie brała się z listopadowego dekretu, tylko z realnego wysiłku państwa, które aspirowało do odgrywania poważnej roli politycznej w tej części Europy. Z tego między innymi powodu kreślono odważne plany budowy floty wojennej, nie bacząc na to, że ich wykonanie było ponad możliwości kraju, w którym każda dziedzina życia społecznego i ekonomicznego stawała się osobliwym wyzwaniem. W dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym dokonał się znaczący postęp w sprawach morskich, również tych związanych bezpośrednio z obronnością. Nie był on jednak adekwatny do skali zagrożeń, co miało swoje poważne reperkusje we wrześniu 1939 r.
PL
Polityka regionalna stoi przed ogromnymi wyzwaniami, gdyż pogłębiają się różnice pomiędzy regionami i wewnątrz regionów. Autorki uzasadniają ten stan pomiarami GUS i diagnozami rządowymi wskazując na wybrane inicjatywy stanowiące szanse do wyrównania różnic i odwrócenia tendencji degradacji w kierunku rozwoju regionów. Opracowanie główną uwagę skupia na gospodarce morskiej, gdzie nastąpiły ogromne rozbieżności interpretacyjne pomiędzy perspektywami podejścia do diagnozy gospodarki morskiej: teoretyczną, polityczną i praktyczną. Różnice powstają z przyczyn metodycznych i założonych celów. W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy wybranych inicjatyw wspierających rozwój gospodarki morskiej podjęte zostały próby identyfikacji kosztów.
EN
Regional policy is facing enormous challenges, as the deepening differences between regions and within regions. The authors justify this state of GUS measurements and government diagnoses pointing to the selected initiatives which are chances to compensate for the differences and reverse the trend of degradation towards the development of regions. The paper’s main attention is focused on the maritime economy, where there were large discrepancies in interpretation between the perspectives approach to the diagnosis of the maritime economy: theoretical, political and practical. The differences arise from methodological reasons and goals. The analysis of selected initiatives supporting the development of the maritime economy attempts have been made to identify costs.
EN
East and Central Europe countries practically experience advantages and disadvantages of sea-farers‘ employment in foreign shipping companies. There is a need to investigate this phenomenon in the aspect of economical emigration. Shortage of marine officers worldwide exaggerates the shortage of seafarers in the mentioned region because of the economical emigration of national seafarers to foreign fleet, which pro-vides more favorable conditions. These facts encouraged investigating several questions using case study method in one country (Lithuania), which social-economic conditions are similar to other countries of the re-gion: What shipping companies (national or foreign) marine officers give priority to be employed to? What is the motivation of such a decision? What personal characteristics mostly determine this decision? The study results show very strong seafarers’ attitude towards economical emigration, reveal the reasons of this phenomenon and relations with the personal characteristics of marine officers. Key words: economical emigration, seafarers, motivation.
PL
Zlewisko Morza Bałtyckiego uznawane jest za obszar stabilności politycznej, na którym niewielkie jest prawdopodobieństwo wystąpienia konfliktu zbrojnego. Nie oznacza to, że nie jest to region, w którym nie ma miejsca na rywalizację polityczno-gospodarczą, która kreuje określone zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa. Wynikają one głównie z prowadzonej przez państwa regionu polityki morskiej. Tym samym koncepcje ich niwelowania przyjmują przede wszystkim postać działań polityczno-gospodarczych, a rolą sił morskich jest w pierwszej kolejności zagwarantowanie i ochrona interesów morskich państwa. Takie rozumienie istoty polityki bezpieczeństwa morskiego determinować powinno także założenia polskich koncepcji zapewniania bezpieczeństwa oraz sposobu organizacji i funkcjonowania systemu bezpieczeństwa morskiego.
EN
The Baltic sea region is considered to be an area of political stability with rather small probability of an armed conflict. However, this doesn’t mean that the economic and political rivalry isn’t creating particular dangers for the regional security, as is discussed by the author. Dangers arise from the particular maritime policies of the countries involved. The counteractions against possible dangers involve above all the politico-economical actions using the military sea power to guarantee and protect the country’s interests. As it is stated in this article, such an approach toward the essence of sea security should also determine the Poland’s conception of its sea interests. And based on that, the organizational system and its functions should be applied to strengthen security of the Polish seas.
PL
Rosyjsko-chińska współpraca na akwenach morskich określa wspólny cel, jakim jest ograniczenie zdolności USA do kontroli morskich szlaków przewozów towarowych. Jej zakres ograniczają rozbieżności interesów zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do polityki europejskiej, co prowadzi do podjęcia przez obydwa państwa form rywalizacji. Prawdopodobnym miejscem jej zaistnienia jest region bałtycki. Celem artykułu jest określenie czynników ograniczających pola rywalizacji w regionie bałtyckim, jak i determinujących jej wystąpienie. Założenie wyjściowe to teza iż chińsko-rosyjska wspólnota interesów to dążenie do przeniesienia ciężaru działalności morskiej USA z akwenów azjatyckich na północny Atlantyk i morza otaczające Europę. Chińczycy z tej grupy wykluczają Morze Bałtyckie, które ma być obszarem stabilności politycznej. Natomiast w założeniach polityki rosyjskiej Bałtyk ma być regionem zastępczym dla prowadzonej z USA rywalizacji arktycznej. Dodatkowo czynnikiem ograniczającym zakres chińsko-rosyjskiej kooperacji jest projekt Arctic Silk Road, który narusza rosyjskie interesy w Arktyce. Przyjąć więc należy, że Rosja prowadzić będzie politykę ograniczania ekonomicznego znaczenia tej trasy, koncentrując swoje działania w regionie bałtyckim i kierując je do państw uczestniczących w tym projekcie. Stworzy to nową sytuację strategiczną, w której to region bałtycki stanie się istotnym obszarem rywalizacji mocarstw.
EN
Russian-Chinese cooperation conducted on maritime watersconducted in the 21st century sets a common goal, which is to limit the US ability to control maritime freight routes, especially energy transport carriers. Its scope is limited by divergence of interests, especially in relation to European policy, which leads to forms of competition between the two countries. The Baltic region is a likely place of its occurrence. The purpose of the article is to determine the factors limiting the areas of competition in the Baltic region, as well as determining its occurrence. The initial research assumption is that the SinoRussian community of interests is striving to shift the burden of US maritime activities from Asian waters to the North Atlantic and the seas surrounding Europe. The Chinese from this group exclude the Baltic Sea, which is to be an area of political stability. On the other hand, in the assumptions of Russian policy, the Baltic is to be a replacement region for the Arctic competition conducted with the USA. An additional factor limiting the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation is the Arctic Silk Road project, which violates Russian interests in the Arctic. Therefore, it should be assumed that Russia will conduct a policy of limiting the economic significance of this route, focusing its activities in the Baltic region and directing them to the countries participating in this project. It should be assumed that Russia will conduct a policy of limiting the economic significance of this route, focusing its activities in the Baltic region and directing them to the countries participating in this project. This will create a new strategic situation in which the Baltic region will become an important area of competition between the powers.
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