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1

WPŁYW ROZWIĄZAŃ PRZYJĘTYCH W KODEKSIE WYBORCZYM NA ZJAWISKO KOABITACJI W GMINACH

100%

Sidor M. , Kuć-Czajkowska K. A. , Wasil J.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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nr 3(13)

151-164 (13)

EN

The article presents the Electoral Code regulations which determine the relationship between the executive (mayor) and the municipal council (town council). Besides, regula-tions from other legal acts are indicated which have an impact on the phenomenon of cohabi-tation. In addition, the situation is explained where cohabitation appears in the municipality and is presented in the research on cohabitation in selected regions in Poland.

2

Neighbourhood Council as a Path of Political Career Development in Poland

100%

Swianiewicz P. , Chełstowska K.

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2015

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tom 190

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nr 2

223-238

EN

The article discusses the role of sub-municipal (neighbourhood, city district) councils as a path to a political career in Polish big cities. The reported research is based on data from six Polish cities. The analysis of social composition of the group of neighbourhood councillors refers to Putnam’s law of increasing disproportionality. Through reference to various theoretical concepts, the process of selection is divided into three stages: self-selection, pre-selection (top-down selection) and bottom-up selection. The role of neighbourhood councils is considered in the context of the concepts of the “incubator” and “respirator” of a political career.

3

Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України

88%

Стойко О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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nr 8

158-163

EN

There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.

4

Electoral System, Political Knowledge and Voter Turnout- Complex Liaisons

88%

Kwiatkowska A. , Cześnik M.

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2020

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tom 212

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nr 4

425-444

EN

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the electoral system on turnout, moderated by political knowledge. Following the introduction of the FPTP system to some city councils in the 2014 elections, we used a quasi-experimental design to compare two sets of economically, socially and culturally similar cities, chosen using the Propensity Score Matching method. Data from two waves of a survey with residents, city councillors and local social leaders after the 2014 local elections showed that, despite widespread public debates, knowledge about the electoral system was very low. The results proved that, although the level of political knowledge was higher in the FPTP system than in the PR system, the turnout in the former was lower, even when controlled by political knowledge. However, the joint impact of the electoral system and political knowledge on turnout was mixed, and depended on the method of measuring political knowledge.

5

JOW-y w gminach: lokalne partie władzy a nowe reguły rywalizacji

71%

Flis J. , Stolicki D.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2017

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tom 79

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nr 3

253-266

EN

This article analyses the results of the implementation of the new role for a single mandatory constituency in the local election law in Poland. The investigation shows how the new role changes the balance of power between local leader parties and their competitors. It leads to a conclusion that parties holding power have explicit supremacy which is, however, of a complicated and conditional nature. The change of the voting system has strengthened this supremacy but its extend varies from municipality to municipality and is not present in all. The statistical analyses conducted for the purpose of this article have been based on the data contained in tables and graphs presenting the results of local elections in Poland in 2010 and 2014.

PL

Przedstawiany artykuł jest testem efektów, jakie przyniosło wprowadzenie przez kodeks wyborczy systemu większości względnej w okręgach jednomandatowych jako sposobu wyłaniania rad polskich gmin. Przeprowadzone badania pokazują, w jakim zakresie nowy system zmienił równowagę sił pomiędzy lokalnymi partiami władzy i ich konkurentami. Prowadzą one do wniosku, że partie władzy mają wyraźną przewagę nad pretendentami. Ma ona jednak złożony i warunkowy charakter. Zmiana systemu wyborczego powiększyła taką przewagę, jednak nie dotyczy to wszystkich kategorii gmin i wszystkich scenariuszy rywalizacji o władzę w samorządzie lokalnym. Obserwowane zmiany mają najpewniej nieoczywiste, złożone przyczyny. Generalnie jednak zmiana systemu uwypukliła problem integracji lokalnych ugrupowań politycznych i decydującą rolę, jaką ma na tym polu samo sprawowanie władzy. Analizy statystyczne dokonane zostały na podstawie danych zastanych – wyników wyborów samorządowych z 2010 i 2014 r.

6

Kampania wyborcza Komitetu Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w wyborach do Rady Miasta Szczecin w 2014 roku

63%

Niburski R.

Opuscula Sociologica

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2015

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nr 3(13)

93-102

PL

W artykule dokonano analizy kampanii wyborczej partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w wyborach do Rady Miasta Szczecin w 2014 roku. Została ona przeprowadzona na podstawie przeglądu sytuacji na lokalnej scenie politycznej przed wyborami, przepisów Kodeksu Wyborczego - ustawy z dnia 5 stycznia 2011 roku, celów wyborczych komitetu, programu wyborczego ugrupowania, przebiegu kampanii wyborczej, zastosowanych form marketingu wyborczego oraz osiągniętego wyniku wyborczego. Całość uzupełniona została tabelami, w których przedstawiono wyniki wyborcze partii we wszystkich dotychczasowych wyborach do Rady Miasta Szczecin.

EN

The article is an analysis of the election campaign of Law and Justice party in elections to the Council of the City of Szczecin in 2014. The analysis is conducted basing on the situation on the local poliical scene before the election, the provisions of the Election Code - the Act of 5 January 2011, electoral goals of the committee, the election programme and the campaign, used forms of marketing, and the election results. This is complemented by tables in with the results gained by the party in all previous elections to the Council of the City of Szczecin.

7

The Political Structure of the Local Government in Stargard Szczeciński in the Years 2002–2014

63%

Ignasiak A.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

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2015

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tom 31

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nr 1

95-112

PL

STRUKTURA POLITYCZNA WŁADZY LOKALNEJ W STARGARDZIE SZCZECIŃSKIM W LATACH 2002–2014 Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza powyborczej struktury politycznej w Stargardzie Szczecińskim w latach 2002–2014. Autorka, obok rozważań teoretycznych w pierwszej części, przedstawia wyniki wyborów do organów stargardzkiego samorządu. Akcentuje układ polityczny oraz rozpatruje przenikanie się sfer polityki i administracji na poziomie samorządu gminnego.

EN

This article aims at analysing the post-election political structure in Stargard Szczeciński in the years 2002–2014. The author presents the theoretical considerations on the subject together with the results of Stargard local government elections in the first part of the paper. She particularly emphasises the existing political configurations as well as analyses the intertwining of the political and administrative spheres at the local government level.

8

Segmentacja marketingowa na rynku politycznym

44%

Mitrega M. , Jasniok M.

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nr 09

22-28