Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Zkoumání finanční autonomie municipalit z perspektivy politické vědy

100%

Kruntorádová I.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2015

|

nr 1

91-118

EN

Particular scientific disciplines focus on issues related to the financial autonomy of municipalities, but still interdisciplinary approach of research is completely unique or even missing. Political science overshadowed this topic in the past and other topics dominated political research (mainly in the Czech Republic). Nevertheless, it is evident that there is a close relationship between the political and financial autonomy because the allocation of funds is a purely political decision. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the construction of financial autonomy's relation to political science and clarify the relationship of local autonomy and local democracy. The political science is viewed through the prism of Alker, Berg-Schlosser and Stamenn and Raymond Aron's primacy of politics. Th is text is patterned on partial knowledge about the financial aspects of the research project on municipal autonomy in the political system of the Czech Republic supported by the Grant Agency of the Charles University and is composed on the basis of the research of the theoretical literature of various social science disciplines and the study of research team around K. Verhoest.

2

Praktyczny wymiar demokracji lokalnej. Model współpracy Miasta Szczecin z organizacjami pozarządowymi

100%

Kowalczyk K.

|

2017

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nr 17

203-214

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the cooperation of the City of Szczecin with non-governmental organizations in the years 2012-2016. The article deals with the formal and legal aspects of cooperation, the potential of Szczecin NGOs, selected areas of co-operation within the three dimensions and conclusions. The hypothesis assumes that the City of Szczecin is a model example of cooperation with non-governmental organizations.

3

Demokracja lokalna a idea ograniczenia liczby kadencji wójtów (burmistrzów, prezydentów miast)

100%

Kowalik J.

Political Preferences

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2015

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nr 10

159-176

EN

For some time there is a debate on the term of office mayor sand presidents of cities. Subject of the article is to analyze views on democracy and indicators of democracy, including the local dimension in the context of the controversy over the long cadence reeves impact on the functioning of local government. The author also extends to public opinion polls on the issue of limiting the cadence of mayors. We are analyzing the arguments of supporters and opponents of limiting the cadence of executive power in municipalities, as well as the dilemmas associated with the consequences of such restrictions for the quality of democracy. Limiting cadence has as many supporters as opponents – both sides have serious arguments for their positions.

4

Samorząd lokalny na Ukrainie: forma, która nie stała się treścią

100%

Lendel M. , Buła S.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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nr 3(34/1)

93-106

EN

Ukrainian crisis of 2013/2014 that is perceived as Euromaidan can be explained, besides other external reasons, also in the terms of the mental and societal conflict between formally democratic, but non‑working legal norms, and the clientele, even feudal political practice. The ideal of democracy can be tested on the local level where the government structures are physically closer to citizens that can use the mechanisms of the direct and other forms of democracy. But in Ukraine the scenario of the rapid and radical transition towards the principles of the local democracy that was implemented in some Central‑European countries was not realized because of the inherited system of the centralized governance, the administrative and territorial division, lack of the motivated elite, non‑activist type of the political culture. The existing legal environment for functioning of the elected councils and mayors did not stimulated the efficient development of the local communities, as well as the faith of the citizens in the role of the political decision‑making, that is the core of the local democracy. Set of the political discourses that are vital in the modern Ukraine and connected with the question of the political system renovation is centered around the decentralization of power, construction of the new scheme of the administrative division of Ukrainian regions. The adoption of the new Constitution in the pair with the political activism of Ukrainian can be a starting point for the construction of the vital local government filled with the sense of democracy.

5

Neighbourhood Council as a Path of Political Career Development in Poland

100%

Swianiewicz P. , Chełstowska K.

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2015

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tom 190

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nr 2

223-238

EN

The article discusses the role of sub-municipal (neighbourhood, city district) councils as a path to a political career in Polish big cities. The reported research is based on data from six Polish cities. The analysis of social composition of the group of neighbourhood councillors refers to Putnam’s law of increasing disproportionality. Through reference to various theoretical concepts, the process of selection is divided into three stages: self-selection, pre-selection (top-down selection) and bottom-up selection. The role of neighbourhood councils is considered in the context of the concepts of the “incubator” and “respirator” of a political career.

6

NETWORK GOVERNANCE W FIŃSKIM SAMORZĄDZIE TERYTORIALNYM: NATURALNY STAN RZECZY CZY WYZWANIE DLA LOKALNEJ DEMOKRACJI?

100%

Radzik - Maruszak K.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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nr 3(14)

18-32 (15)

EN

The main aim of the article is to present the practice of network governance concept in Finnish local government and its impact on local democracy, including the role played by elected representatives. The main hypothesis of the study implies that the idea of network governing, not only forces municipal councils to redefine their roles, but also reduces the scope of their responsibilities and limits the level of accountability. The study is based on empirical research conducted in 22 municipalities located in Pirkanmaa Region, Southern Finland in Spring 2015. The results of the research indicate that although network governance easily fits into Finnish local government, the concept brings many challenges. One of the most important challenges is the necessity to strengthen the say of elected representatives, presently perceived with regard to governing process mainly as rubber-stamp councils.

7

Samorząd terytorialny jako czynnik wzmacniający zasadę dobra wspólnego

89%

Patyra S.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2018

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tom 80

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nr 1

231-239

EN

The article brings up the problem of the relationship between the constitutional principle of the common good and the activity of a territorial self-government in Poland. The first part contains some theoretical comments on the essence of the principle of the common good and on the relationship between the common good and the principle of subsidiarity. In the second part the author presents basic legal measures of the participation of the local community in the decision-making process. The third part contains some critical comments on the present relationship between the central authority and a local government. In the author’s opinion, some of the legislative initiatives of the lower chamber of the Parliament lead to the limitation of local governments independence and breach the principle of the common good.

PL

Artykuł porusza problem relacji pomiędzy konstytucyjną zasadą dobra wspólnego a funkcjonowaniem samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Część pierwsza zawiera teoretyczne rozważania na temat zasady istoty zasady dobra wspólnego oraz relacji pomiędzy dobrem wspólnym i zasadą pomocniczości. W części drugiej autor prezentuje podstawowe środki prawne służące partycypacji społeczności lokalnej w procesie decyzyjnym. Trzecia część zawiera krytyczne uwagi na temat aktualnych relacji pomiędzy władzą centralną i samorządem terytorialnym. W ocenie autora niektóre spośród inicjatyw legislacyjnych większości sejmowej prowadzą do ograniczenia samodzielności samorządu terytorialnego, naruszając zasadę dobra wspólnego.

8

SOCJOLOGICZNE UJĘCIE WIELOWYMIAROWOŚCI LOKALNOŚCI W SPOŁECZEŃSTWIE OBYWATELSKIM. WYBRANE ASPEKTY

88%

Sosnowski A.

Central European Papers

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2022

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tom 10

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nr 2

35-53

EN

This article is an attempt to summarize the social changes in local communities that took place after the revival of self-government in the Republic of Poland. The article analyzes the mutual influence of social and other factors on the process of the formation of local communities.

9

Rola ruchów miejskich w procesie demokratyzacji polskich miast

88%

Kubicki P.

Studia BAS

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2022

|

nr 3(71)

81-97

EN

The article provides an analysis of the role of urban social movements in the process of democratisation of cities in Poland. The author draws on his research carried out in 2017–2018, during which 30 in-depth interviews with leaders in 16 cities were conducted. The article begins with the history of forming urban social movements and shaping their identity. Next, the author focuses on their role in the processes of democratisation of cities and shaping new city policies. In this context, the pioneer role of urban social movements in promoting participatory tools, such as participatory budgeting and citizens’ assembly, is highlighted.

10

From post-communist democratic laissez-faire to prevention of territorial fragmentation: tightening the rules of municipal splits in Central and Eastern Europe after 1990

88%

Swianiewicz P.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2021

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tom 25

|

nr 1

5-17

EN

The article discusses municipal boundary changes in Central and Eastern Europe, concentrating on the heavily under-researched phenomenon of municipal splits. The first part describes the basic facts of municipal secessions in the region analysed. The second part presents a model explaining the national and municipal level factors behind the variation in the occurrence of successful split initiatives. It distinguishes between national institutional settings, economic, identity (cultural) and local political factors.

11

Społeczeństwo obywatelskie i demokracja lokalna w Tychach

75%

Geisler R.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

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2004

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nr 4(18)

127-143

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza postaw i opinii mieszkańców jednego ze śląskich miast Tych na temat społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz demokracji lokalnej. Na podstawie badań socjologicznych przeprowadzonych wiosną 2003 roku oraz reinterpretacji dotychczasowych wyników badań socjologicznych w tym mieście artykuł przedstawia aktywność obywatelską, przejawy świadomości społecznej na temat funkcjonowania społeczności lokalnej w warunkach demokracji i gospodarki wolnorynkowej. Przykład jest o tyle specyficzny, że Tychy w analizach socjologów w okresie realnego socjalizmu stanowiły przykładowe miasto socjalistyczne. W pierwszych latach transformacji ustrojowej podkreślano zdezintegrowany charakter miejskiej społeczności oraz konieczność zbudowania więzi społecznych przekładających się na rozwój gospodarczy. Autora interesuje szczególnie zmiana, jaka dokonuje się w ostatnich latach w tym mieście.

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyse opinions and attitudes of inhabitants of a Silesian town of Tychy toward the civil society and local democracy. Basing on sociological research done in the spring 2003 and reinterpretation of sociological research of the town, the article shows an activity related to and awareness of these issues among the local community in times of democracy and free market economy. The example of Tychy is specific because during the socialist period sociologists emphasised the fact that it was a socialist town. After political transition, scientists and researchers have pointed that urban community has a disintegrated character and that social bonds must be created in order to cope with regional development. The present article is especially focused on changes which have taken place over the past few years in Tychy.

12

Partycypacja mieszkańców w zarządzaniu gminą

75%

Rost A.

Studia Administracyjne

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2017

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nr 9

155-168

EN

One of the basic political principles of the Polish state is the principle of civil society. It is not directly enshrined in the constitution, but is based on other principles: freedom of association, subsidiarity, a republican form of state. It provides for the introduction of state management mechanisms in such a way that, especially at the lowest level – in the municipality – residents have a real opportunity to participate effectively in solving common problems. The competences and actions of local authorities are particularly important. The competences of the municipality’s self-government do not raise any objections, especially their implementation is important. Transparency and full public information is essential. Participation includes not only traditional institutions of direct democracy (such as a referendum or a relatively new “citizens’ budget”), but also forms of soft influence (e.g. initiative to adopt a Council resolution, public consultation). These forms are now, in principle, sufficiently developed. Nowadays, the problem is first of all to convince the public that individual activity can be effective and that it is worth using the existing legal possibilities. It should also be borne in mind, however, that participation must be kept within certain limits, the exceeding of which will lead to negative effects.

PL

Jedną z fundamentalnych zasad ustrojowych państwa polskiego jest zasada społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Nie jest ona bezpośrednio zapisana w Konstytucji, ale wynika z innych zasad: wolności zrzeszania się, pomocniczości, republikańskiej formy państwa. Zawiera nakaz wprowadzenia takich mechanizmów zarządzania państwem, aby zwłaszcza na najniższym szczeblu – w gminie – mieszkańcy mieli realną możliwość skutecznego udziału w rozwiązywaniu wspólnych problemów. Szczególne znaczenie mają kompetencje i działania samorządów lokalnych. Kompetencje samorządu gminnego nie budzą zastrzeżeń, szczególnie ważny jest sposób jego działania. Podstawowym warunkiem jest jawność i pełna informacja o prawach publicznych. Do form partycypacji należy zaliczyć nie tylko tradycyjne instytucje demokracji bezpośredniej (jak referendum, obecnie także tzw. budżet obywatelski), ale też formy niewładczego oddziaływania (jak inicjatywa w sprawie podjęcia uchwały rady, konsultacje społeczne), które są obecnie wystarczająco rozwinięte. Problemem jest głównie przekonanie mieszkańców, że ich aktywność może być skuteczna i że warto korzystać z istniejących możliwości prawnych. Trzeba jednak też pamiętać, że partycypacja musi być utrzymana w pewnych granicach, których przekroczenie spowoduje skutki negatywne.

13

COMPULSORY PARTNERSHIP ACTIVITIES: THE BIGGEST CHALLENGES FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN THE LOCAL DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE. The Case of the Implementation of the Local Directive on Advertising (RLP)

75%

Marszałek-Kawa J. , Morin F.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

|

tom 42

47-59

EN

The 5th French Republic was established aft er a period of parliamentary instability of the 4th Republic. It emerged from the concept of Charles de Gaulle, who presented its main ideas in his speech in Bayeux in 1946. As researchers indicate, the Constitution of the 5th Republic of 1958 met a wave of criticism after it came into force. For some it meant the introduction of the authoritarian political system in the state; others saw it as a system that will stabilize the situation in France and will prompt its development. It must also be noted that, although the French constitution has been amended a few times, its structure has never been questioned – even when some politicians changed their political stance and electorate. It is also worth pointing out that the critics of the existing political system focus on the excessive centralization of power in the executive bodies and on the minor role of public opinion in the formation of state ss policy. It should be noted here that until the constitutional reform of 2008, only the executive branch had initiated a referendum.

14

Local democracy: theoretical and legal characteristics

75%

Pankratova V.

Reality of Politics

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2022

|

nr 20

99-108

EN

The article presents a theoretical and legal analysis of local democracy. The top place in democratic transformations in local democracy; is an effective system of local self-government that is impossible without working mechanisms to implement legislation in the field of local democracy at both national and local levels. The author points out that the importance of local democracy is determined by its essence and role. After all, the local level is the closest to the population, needs, and problems. The creation of appropriate living conditions should be determined locally. It is determined that the term «local area» means a reasonably extensive range of phenomena and processes. In defining this term in scientific doctrine, emphasis is placed on a particular phenomenon or process. The predominance of local democracy is understood as a national model of democracy, as the participation of citizens in governance, as a form of self-organization of citizens and as a democratic system at the municipal level. Based on the analysis of scientific points of view, conclusions are made about the peculiarities of local democracy. The main characteristics of local democracy are an organization of the life of the territorial community on the principles of equality, participation, public dialogue; involvement of citizens in community affairs, dissemination of practices of local initiatives, referendums; self-organization of the population. The local democracy is the development of the people, the broad involvement of local people in participation in matters of meaning. Effective local democracy is a prerequisite for sustainable and equitable economic and social development, good governance, and the promotion of democratic values. The proper functioning of democratic institutions and processes at the local level is a determining and vital factor. Active citizenship at the local level lays the foundation for a stable and robust democracy at the national level because the policy at the national level uses practices and methods at the local level. In contrast, experience at the local level is the basis for national policy and reform.

15

Ethical and political dilemmas of local self-government in Poland in the course of systemic transformations (1990–2018)

75%

Kasiński M.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

|

2018

|

tom 21

|

nr 7

7-26

EN

The study presents critical reflections on the course and results of Polish local self-government reforms from March 1990, when after 40 years of the system of territorial soviets (national councils), self-government was reintroduced into communes, until January 2018, when an attempt to improve the systemic institutions of self-government in communes, poviats and voivodships was once again revisited. The author points out significant discrepancies between the basic ethical and political values of local self-government, i.e. democracy, independence and efficiency, and the changing content of self-government systemic laws as well as the practice of local authorities’ operations, and formulates proposals aimed at repairing Polish local self-government by adjusting its organisation and functioning to the principles resulting from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the European Charter of Local Self-Government. He considers as the most important the elimination of pathological phenomena of simulated local democracy which include: a drastically low turnout in elections and referenda, the disappearance of democratic responsibility of local self-government bodies, and the autonomy of the directly elected executive body of the commune from the influence of the local representation. From this point of view, he positively assesses the new regulations, strengthening the guarantee of transparency of operations carried out by local self-government bodies and control rights of councillors, as well as expanding the catalogue of initiative, consultative and control powers of citizens. He points out, however, that ensuring real democracy in of the local authorities requires a deeper reconstruction of the principles of self-government, the election process, and strengthening the role of representation in creating and enforcing the responsibility of executive bodies.

16

Analiza wpływu zmiany ordynacji wyborczej na życie polityczne społeczności lokalnych: dysproporcje wyborcze w pięciu miastach pomorskich (2006 – 2014)

63%

Wałdoch M.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

|

2016

|

tom 13

255-272

EN

New electoral law has been in force in Poland since 2011. Analysis of the change of electoral law and electoral system is a key issue in this study and it includes earlier elec-tions. In a chronological perspective this study cover years 2006 – 2014. An author has highlighted several variables that have severe impact on political life of local communi-ties. Thus study is focused on: political interest of Civic Platform (PO) in changing electoral system; frequency of elections; representative level of citizens in community board – town councils; concentration of power by wining committees, rise of ineffective votes. As a result of conducted analysis and synthesis earlier unknown phenomenon was indicated – a correlation of high importance was traced between the average number of citizen per one candidate and the level of power concentration by wining committee.

17

Słabości prawne ustroju i demokracji lokalnej Warszawy

63%

Sozański J.

Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula

|

2015

|

nr 1(43)

93-103

PL

Cel: ustalenie zakresu stosowania konstytucyjnych i ustawowych norm w praktyce m.st. Warszawy oraz skutki status quo dla społeczności lokalnych. Metoda prawno-porównawcza. Wniosek: norma ustrojowa jest jasno określona ale nieadekwatnie stosowana. Istnieje konieczność zmiany tego stanu rzeczy w praktyce prawnej, dla poprawy demokracji i świadomości prawnej społeczeństw lokalnych. Treść: jeśli Konstytucja RP wprowadza prawa społeczeństw lokalnych (a zwłaszcza ich podstawowych jednostek) do samorządności terytorialnej to nie znajduje to odbicia w ustawie warszawskiej, a zwłaszcza w Statucie m.st. Warszawy i Uchwale o przekazaniu niektórych kompetencji dzielnicom. Tak rodzi się niekorzystna dla tych jednostek praktyka. Ograniczanie wspomnianych uprawnień powinno być dostrzegane oraz budzić reakcję społeczeństw lokalnych (chyba niezbyt świadomych swych praw) wobec władz przedstawicielskich, sądów i Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Stan obecny niekorzystnie wpływa na interesy społeczności lokalnych dzielnic Warszawy, a szerzej także na stosowanie zasad konstytucyjnych przez organy państwa wbrew interesom obywateli. Artykuł ma charakter koncepcyjny.

EN

Aim: to provide for the scope of application of constitutional and statutory norms in the practice of the metropolitan city of Warsaw as well as consequences of status quo for local communities. Legal and comparative method. Conclusion: the constitutional norm is clearly defined though inadequately applied. There is the need to change this state of affairs in the legal practice for the purpose of improvement of democracy and legal awareness of local communities. Contents: if the Constitution of the Republic of Poland introduces the rights of local communities (and particularly of their basic units) to the local self-governmental system, this is not reflected in the Warsaw Act, and particularly in the Statutes of the metropolitan city of Warsaw and in the Resolution on delegation of some competencies to districts. Thus there emerges the unfavourable for these units practice. Limitation of the said empowerments should be perceived and should arouse reaction of local communities (perhaps not enough aware of their rights) vis-à-vis representative authorities, courts and the Constitutional Tribunal. The present state unfavourably affects interests of local communities of Warsaw districts and,broader, also the application of the constitutional principles by the state bodies contrary to the citizens’ interests. The article is of the conceptual nature.

18

Zmiana ordynacji wyborczej jako determinanta życia politycznego społeczności lokalnych w pięciu miastach pomorskich (2006 – 2014)

63%

Wałdoch M.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

|

2016

|

tom 13

243-253

EN

New electoral law has been in force in Poland since 2011. Analysis of the change of electoral law and electoral system is a key issue in this study and it includes earlier elec-tions. Thus study is focused on: political interest of Civic Platform (PO) in changing electoral system, and the political decision process with its effects for local communities.

19

Niekonkurencyjne wybory, brakujący kandydaci. Dlaczego niektóre komitety wyborcze nie wystawiają kandydatów na burmistrzów?

63%

Gendźwiłł A. , Żółtak T. , Rutkowski J.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

|

2015

|

nr 4(62)

64-79

PL

Artykuł dotyczy problemu ograniczonej podaży kandydatów na wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast. Od 2002 r. większość komitetów wyborczych tworzonych w gminach brała udział jedynie w wyborach do rad gmin, nie wystawiając kandydatów do organu wykonawczego. W latach 2002–2010 rósł również odsetek gmin, w których do wyborów stawał jeden kandydat. Analiza regresji logistycznej pokazuje, że na decyzje komitetów wyborczych o wystawianiu kandydatów wpływa ich wielkość (popularność), a także wielkość gminy. Decyzji o niewystawianiu kandydatów sprzyja istnienie dominującego komitetu oraz start w wyborach urzędujących już burmistrzów. Znane zjawisko incumbency advantage działa zatem nie tylko podczas wyborów, ale również przed nimi (na etapie zgłaszania kandydatów).

EN

The authors consider the problem of limited supply of candidates for mayors. Since 2002, most electoral committees in Polish municipalities have only participated in the elections for municipal councils and not for the principal executive office. Between 2002 and 2010, there was also a growing share of municipalities in which only one candidate ran. The logistic regression analysis demonstrates that the electoral committees’ decision whether or not to nominate a candidate is influenced by their size (popularity), as well as the size of the municipality. If there is a dominating committee and competing incumbents, it is less probable that another candidate would run. It is evident that the well-known effect of incumbency advantage works not only during the elections but also before them (when candidates are registered).

20

Skutki wprowadzenia okręgów jednomandatowych w wyborach lokalnych

63%

Gendźwiłł A. , Żółtak T.

|

2016

|

nr 3(65)

94-116

PL

Autorzy przedstawiają podstawowe skutki wprowadzenia reguły większościowej w okręgach jednomandatowych (systemu FPTP) w wyborach do rad gmin w Polsce. Analizują wyniki wyborów lokalnych z 2010 i 2014 r. (przed i po zmianie reguł). Wykorzystując schemat quasi-eksperymentalny (metoda diffrence-in-diffrences), skupiają się na zmianach, jakie zaszły w gminach, w których wcześniej obowiązywał system głosowania blokowego, a także w gminach, w których wcześniej stosowany był system proporcjonalny. Analizy empiryczne pokazują, że zmiana systemu głosowania blokowego na system FPTP przyniosła jedynie marginalne konsekwencje. Zastąpienie systemu proporcjonalnego systemem FPTP, dość paradoksalnie, zwiększyło liczbę komitetów ubiegających się o mandaty. Wzrosła jednak dysproporcjonalność, a także odsetek głosów oddanych na komitety pozbawione reprezentacji, zmniejszyło się natomiast rozdrobnienie rad gmin. Tam, gdzie przestał obowiązywać system proporcjonalny, spadła znacznie liczba kandydatów; wbrew przypuszczeniom nie zmniejszył się jednak odsetek kobiet wybieranych na radnych. JOW-y przyniosły natomiast dalszą marginalizację ogólnokrajowych partii politycznych na szczeblu lokalnym.

EN

The paper presents the basic consequences of the introduction of single-member districts (the FPTP system) in municipal elections in Poland. The authors analyze the results of the 2010 and 2014 elections (before and after the electoral reform). Basing on the difference-in-differences research scheme, the paper presents changes in the municipalities where either block- -voting or proportional representation systems were replaced by the FPTP. The empirical analyses demonstrate that the change from the BV to the FPTP system brought only marginal effects. The replacement of the PR system by the FPTP was more visible. Quite paradoxically, it increased the number of committees competing in the elections. However, the disproportionality and the share of wasted votes increased significantly, while the fragmentation of local councils decreased. In the municipalities previously using a proportional representation system, the number of candidates decreased visibly; contrary to the initial assumptions, its impact was neutral to the share of elected female councillors. The introduction of the FPTP system significantly limited the already weak presence of nation-wide political parties in local councils.