This paper is trying to investigate the interaetion between case checking and the thematie roles of the DP in al-Ishtighal (verbal occupation) construction in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). Standard Arabic belongs to the group of VSO languages which also allow SVO as an alternative order in finite clauses. Yet, Arabic possesses a rich case morphology that is able to mark the thematic roles of the DPs in the clause. This research provides evidence that there are differences between left-dislocation and the verbal occupation construction (Ishtighal) despite of their structural similarity. These differences show that verbal occupation construction in MSA has the tendency to behave as topicalization where the fronted DP possesses the focus characteristics. Further, it has been shown that the multi-foci tendency is valid in such constructions like verbal occupation.
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This paper provides a critical overview of the strongly derivational and non-cartographic approaches to syntax based solely on the relation between a newly selected lexical item (LI) and the so-called derivational space (the existing syntactic object) treated as the pivot of the syntactic derivation. Specifically, it is argued that, given the asymmetry requirement requisite for linearization, as stated in Kayne's (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA) and Chomsky's (1994) Bare Phrase Structure (BPS), the abovementioned procedure is unattainable in certain strongly derivational syntactic configurations. The latter sections of the paper, while still arguing against the excessively minimized derivational space, focus on the non-cartographic Escape system proposed by Zwart (2007). It is shown that the data (comprising mostly the so-called "look-ahead"- based cases) that prove problematic for Escape can be captured within a moderately (i.e. weakly) cartographic view of the left periphery in accord with Thráinsson's (1996) Limited Diversity Hypothesis.
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