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EN
Travelling away from the “artsy post-modern lefty-pinko university”. Noor's transcultural experience and the duties of the intellectualThe volume Qur'an and cricket consists of several travelogues produced by a Malay intellectual, Farish A. Noor, during his trips to the most problematic places of the world, marked by the contemporary “battles of God”. This book is interpreted in terms of a quest for transcultural condition understood as a dimension of experience transcending the multiplicity of cultural orders in dissent. Noor sketches his own definition of the intellectual, contrasted in this article with the visions given by Gramsci, Adorno and Said. The subject of the transcultural condition is defined as “itinerant scholar” transgressing the limitations of the academia by his nomadic immersion in the world. The attitude of the traveller is marked by openness and readiness to listen, even if he is confronted to irrational mumbling. Precisely the mumbling of anger and hate becomes the most difficult challenge to the intellectual unable to deal with it rationally. The only remaining answer is a sheer presence and love, emotional attachment to the world, as the scholar rejects the temptation of the ivory tower that would isolate him from the otherness. The modality of speech that opposes the hateful mumbling isn't based on clear, persuasive argumentation, but on ironic ambivalence conjugated with directness and the rejection of euphemism. Most importantly, the “itinerant scholar” is not a preacher. In opposition to the leftist tradition of defining the intellectual as a secular figure, the “itinerant scholar” remains deeply immersed in religion. The challenge of building up the transcultural dimension is connected to the necessity of finding a place for the authentic religious experience in times of “battles of God”.Z dala od “nowinkarskiego, postmodernistycznego, lewicująco-różowego uniwersytetu”. O doświadczeniach transkulturowych Farisha Noora i powinnościach intelektualistyKsiążka Qur'an and cricket stanowi zbiór notatek z podróży malajskiego intelektualisty Farisha A. Noora do najbardziej problematycznych miejsc świata, gdzie toczone są „bitwy o Boga”. W niniejszym artykule jest ona interpretowana jako zapis poszukiwania kondycji transkulturowej, polegającej nie na zajmowaniu pozycji pomiędzy stronami konfliktu lub też poza nim, ale na poszukiwaniu przestrzeni doświadczenia mieszczącej się ponad porządkami kulturowymi. Noor szkicuje własną koncepcję intelektualisty, która w artykule zostaje skontrastowana z zapatrywaniami Gramsciego, Adorno i Saida. Podmiotem kondycji transkulturowej ma być „wędrowny uczony”, przełamujący ograniczenia akademickich zapatrywań dzięki nomadycznemu doświadczaniu świata w podróży. Stanowi ona sposób wyjścia ku innemu z gotowością do wysłuchania, nawet jeśli jedynym, co się pojawia, jest bełkot. Właśnie bełkotliwość gniewu i nienawiści stanowi wszakże największe wyzwanie dla intelektualisty, który nie może jej sprostać racjonalną argumentacją, w jakiej jest biegły. Jedyną możliwą odpowiedzią jest więc obecność i miłość, emocjonalne przywiązanie do świata, odmowa porzucenia, opuszczenia, zdystansowania się wobec niego. Natomiast sposobem mówienia, jaki przeciwstawia się bełkotowi nie jest jasność i jednoznaczność dyskursu perswazyjnego, lecz przeciwnie, niejednoznaczność i ambiwalencja wypowiedzi ironicznej. „Wędrowny uczony” nie jest więc kaznodzieją, lecz ironistą. W przeciwieństwie do lewicowej tradycji definiowania sylwetki i powinności intelektualisty, „wędrowny uczony” zostaje scharakteryzowany, choć w bardzo dyskretny sposób, jako postać zakorzeniona w wymiarze religijnym. Wyzwanie zbudowania przestrzeni transkulturowej powiązane jest więc z potrzebą ocalenia i pomieszczenia w niej autentycznego doświadczenia religijnego w dobie „bitew o Boga”.
EN
The paper shows that in the early stages of the process of social and political modernization of the ideological sphere acquires special characteristics that distinguish it from both the traditional ways of political legitimacy, and on the ideological communication typical of the established competitive democracies. Ideological process in the country following the path of catch-up modernization, characterized by weak association between the most popular concepts and ideological interests of major groups. Dominated by issues related to the creation of new political institutions, and, in general, the question of power, and not the problem of justification of specific management strategies.
EN
The thesis presented in this article advances that creation of the idea of East Central Europe, which was shaped by the social elite of Central-European nations since the 50s, played an essential role on the turn of 1989. The creation of such idea laid foundations of political talks and treaties on the recognition of borders. It reduced mutual claims and helped avoid conflict of borders and ethnic riots. Discussions between the elite of border nations reduced mutual prejudices and stereotypes, also in the context of relationships between the entire societies. In Poland, the deliberations on the idea of East Central Europe had later determined prerogatives of foreign policy conducted by the first non-communist governments and had become a manifestation of the fact that the country on the Vistula River had always been part of European civilization, separated by the Iron Curtain for several decades of the second half of 20th century.
EN
The article aims to illustrate the mutual dependencies and transfers between different segments of the cultural field and areas of civic or political activities, together with the function these changes fulfil in redrawing individual trajectories and then the balance of forces. The leading idea is that, in relation with the literary field, the intellectual field is most sensitive to political changes and functions as a regulatory and legitimizing space for writers’ everyday practices, via its power to produce the criteria for public recognition and thus for symbolic inclusion and exclusion. This casts a different look on the claims for creative autonomy within the cultural field and its multiple dependencies on media, politics, the civic and the academic field, and the understanding of the inner logic of these domains through the lens of their complex interrelationship.
EN
The role of intellectuals in polis. Reflections on Xenophon’s Hiéron: It is well known, although the 20th century has showed it probably in the most visible way, that intellectuals would often like to make a moral influence on politicians and politics. Their eternal dream of enlightened government turns them to the delusion of their own agency in influencing politicians. Following such an illusion as Mark Lilla shows leads them in many cases to support a tyrannical regime. The problem of intellectual engagement and interaction with the authorities is not of course new. We could also observe and analyze it just going back to the Greek roots. In the article I would like to outline the relationship between Xenophon’s life and his reflections as a philosopher on power that he included in Hieron. I also refer these considerations to the present day in reference to Leo Strauss’ interpretation of Xenophon’s ideas about tyranny. Such comparison could be still today instructive for us how problematic is the role of those who, communing with the ideas of beauty, good and justice, want to transfer them to the sphere of the political community. It is this junction of ethics and politics that I would like to address in my considerations, trying to compare Plato with Xenophon and indicate several possible interpretations of the philosopher’s relationship to politics and power.
PL
This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenie For the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
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EN
The present paper aims at analysing the trajectories of the Romanian intellectuals immediately after the Revolution in 1989, and the fall of Communism. During the Communist years, the term itself (intellectual) had been used with ideological connotations. The intellectual (as a social value) was discussed according to the Marxist ideology, taking into consideration his concrete usefulness and his contribution to the Communist society. Immediately after 1989, the fundamental dilemma faced by the Romanian intellectual represents the necessity of the implication of the intellectuals inside the society or, on the contrary, the isolation in an Ivory Tower of creation. The second challenge aimed at the necessity of synchronizing the Romanian elite with the European one; the topics for debate in Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War were fundamentally different. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the influence and the commitment of the Romanian intellectuals in reshaping the Post-Communist Romanian society.
PL
This article presents the involvement of East German writers in the autumn events of the 1989 breakthrough in the wider context. These events included, above all, the demonstrations organized by the liberal wing of the Writers’ Union and the “For Our Country” statement, which aroused wide controversy. The article describes the main axes of the “literature controversy,” a debate which lasted from the beginning to the middle of the 1990s and concerned the political responsibility of East German writers. The author’s reflections are largely based on archival materials, which encompass testimonies of social reactions to the actions of the government, the appeals of intellectuals, and the opinions of writers from the FRG and GDR (including those in exile) on the political future of Germany. The article outlines the specificity of the GDR writers’ milieu over several decades, comparing it with analogous circles in Poland. The article ends with a reflection on the relationship between these two circles and the reaction of East German writers to the events in Poland in the 1980s.
EN
The paper provides a (far from exhaustive) overview of references found in Tacitus’ historical works (Annales, Historiae, Agricola) and in Pliny the Younger’s Epistulae to people who may be defined as “intellectuals”, notably to orators, historians and philosophers. The historian Tacitus is, in general terms, somewhat uninterested in those people in their capacity as men of letters; his focus is, rather, on their involvement in Roman politics (but he makes some interesting side-comments on their intellectual activity). Pliny, on the other hand, is more inclined to emphasize their mental pursuits and, also, to praise their achievements. However, a closer reading of passages devoted to such intellectuals in the Epistulae reveals that he uses them to promote his own image as an ideal Roman, devoted not only to studia but also to officia publica and officia amicorum, and an upholder of humanitas.
PL
Konferencja pt. „Intellectuals and the First World War: Central European Perspective”, zorganizowana w dniach 20–22 X 2016 r. w Krakowie, była doskonałą okazją do dyskusji nad fenomenem konfliktu z lat 1914–1918 i jego wpływem na życie przedstawicieli inteligencji oraz twórców kultury. Wojna przerwała niejedne znaczące badania naukowe oraz prace nad dziełami sztuki – wielu intelektualistów zginęło bowiem na frontach jako żołnierze, czy też cywilne ofiary. Z drugiej strony wojna była dla wielu z nich okazją do zaistnienia, m.in. w służbie propagandy wojskowej, i przekierowania swojej profesjonalnej kariery w innym kierunku. Konferencja zorganizowana została przez Instytut Historii UJ, przy wsparciu finansowym Gminy Miejskiej Kraków – Urzędu Miasta Krakowa. Konferencja zgromadziła prawie 30 prelegentów z krajów Unii Europejskiej oraz Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki.
EN
“Intellectuals and the First World War: Central European Perspective”, a conference organized on October 20–22, 2016 in Kraków, was a perfect opportunity to discuss the phenomenon of the 1914–1918 conflict and its impact on the lives of intellectuals and the creators of culture. Many important scientific studies or cultural activities were interrupted by the war as a result of the conscription of the intellectuals and their death either on the WW1 fronts or as civilian victims. On the other hand, the war was also an opportunity for many to redirect professional careers in new directions e.g. in the service of military propaganda. The conference was organized by the Institute of History of the Jagiellonian University with the financial support of the Kraków City Council – City of Kraków. The conference brought together nearly 30 speakers from the European Union and the United States of America.
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Content available Moscow - a Living or a Dead City?
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EN
The author is interested in travels or writers and journalists (from Poland and the world) to the USSR in the beginning of the 1930s. Some of the travellers visited the state seeking to be reassured in their negative opinion. Others, in contrast, went there convinced that they travelled to a country of universal social justice. However, they did not realise to what an extent the programme of their visit depended on the Soviet propaganda machine. The combined reading of texts by Antoni Słonimski, Andre Gide, Melchior Wańkowicz and Bernard Shaw shows the USSR as a country whose directions of development are difficult to foresee.  
EN
The article attempts to establish in what way values manifest themselves in the virtual communicationundertaken by Polish intellectuals – creators of culture involved in public life. The article uses qualitativecontent analysis as its research method. The analysis focuses, firstly, on identifying thematic threadspresent in posts published by the researched authors; secondly, on distinguishing those threads thatrelate to axiology; and thirdly, on the discursive analysis of the selected material, in order to exploredeeply their content for its axiological message.When on social media, intellectuals use tools of engaged and engaging communication – emotional,axiologically marked, often controversial. The article discusses four forms of communication builtthis way: recommendation, idea placement, externalization and protest.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę ustalenia tego, w jaki sposób wartości obecne są w komunikacji wirtualnejpolskich intelektualistów zaangażowanych w życie publiczne twórców kultury. W publikacji zastosowanojakościową analizę treści, skupiając się – po pierwsze – na wskazaniu wątków tematycznychobecnych w postach publikowanych przez twórców, po drugie, na wyodrębnieniu tych, które nawiązujądo sfery aksjologii, i po trzecie, na analizie dyskursywnej wyodrębnionych materiałów, pozwalającejzgłębić ich treść w kontekście przekazu aksjologicznego.Intelektualiści w mediach społecznościowych sięgają po narzędzia komunikacji zaangażowanej,a także angażującej – emocjonalnej, nacechowanej aksjologicznie, nie rzadko budzącej kontrowersje.W artykule omówiono cztery formy budowanej w ten sposób komunikacji: rekomendację, lokowanieidei, eksternalizację oraz protest.
ES
El presente artículo forma parte de los estudios realizados en el campo de la historia de la edu-cación, con énfasis en la historia intelectual y de las mujeres. En él se propone analizar la tra-yectoria de Mariana Coelho (1874-1954), intelectual, feminista y educadora portuguesa que llegó a Paraná en 1893, vivió en Curitiba y estuvo activa hasta los años 1940. Durante este pe-ríodo, además de colaborar en diversas publicaciones de la prensa local, produjo y publicó seis libros. Como recorte, el artículo analiza la columna mensual “Chronica da Moda”, publi-cada por Coelho en el periódico “Diário da Tarde”. Aunque la columna tratase de asuntos considerados femeninos – en aquel contexto – Mariana Coelho utilizó este espacio para deba-tir sobre el feminismo, los derechos de las mujeres, sus condiciones ante la profesionalización y presencia pública, así como la relevancia de la educación para su ocupación en este nuevo espacio social. Como fuentes, se ha privilegiado, en este artículo, las columnas publicadas en 1901, pues en ellas Coelho defendía públicamente el voto femenino y el feminismo, asuntos que la pusieron en el embate público con otros intelectuales paranaenses del período. Desde un punto de vista teórico, el presente trabajo aborda el concepto de intelectual de Carlos Eduardo Vieira, los conceptos de trayectoria, campo y capital de Pierre Bordieu, y redes de sociabilidad de Jean-François Sirinelli.
EN
This article is part of studies conducted in the field of the History of Education with focus on intellectual history and women’s history that proposed the analysis of Mariana Coelho (1874-1954), intellectual, feminist and Portuguese educator’s trajectory, who arrived in the state of Paraná in 1893. Coelho lived in Curitiba and stayed active until the 1940s. In that period, in addition to her collaboration in many local press’s journals, Coelho produced and published six books. As passage for this article, it was decided to analyze the biweekly column “Chroni-ca da Moda”, published by Coelho in the Curitiba’s newspaper Diário da Tarde. While the column addressed subjects considered feminists – in that context - Mariana Coelho used the space given to her to discuss feminism, women’s rights, women’s conditions in the face of professionalization and public presence, as well as the relevance of women’s education to oc-cupy this new social environment. Columns published in 1901 were used as references for this article, since, in those Coelho publicly defended women’s rights to vote and feminism, which placed her in a public debate with other intellectuals of the time. From a theoretical point of view, this article approaches Carlos Eduardo Vieira’s intellectual concept, Pierre Bourdieu’s trajectory, field and capital concepts, and Jean-François Sirinelli’s sociability net-work.
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Content available remote Lewis A. Coser - A stranger within more than one gate
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EN
This article presents a short portrait of Lewis A. Coser (1913-2003), the American sociologist who became renowned as one of the founders of ‘conflict sociology’. Born in Berlin, Coser had to leave his homeland for political reasons and he spent the years before Nazi Germany’s invasion of France in Paris. Coser then fled to the United States and started his academic career there at the College of the University of Chicago. An abridged version of the PhD thesis he wrote at Columbia University was published as The Functions of Social Conflict, which earned him recognition, a promotion, and made him a figure of authority for sociologists in the 1960s. In this article the author draws on archival materials to examine Coser’s life, major publications and achievements. His intellectual trajectory from Marxism to Mertonian Functionalism, his strong commitment to a Weberian view of the separation of politics from scholarship, the breadth of his erudition in literature and classical sociological theory, and his lifelong place in New York intellectual circles and intellectual magazines made him an extraordinary figure even amongst his contemporaries.
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Content available remote Nationalism in the Balkan Countries and Education of Macedonians (1913-1945)
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EN
After Macedonia’s division following the Balkan wars between Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, a planned action was launched to denationalise the Macedonian nation and assimilate it with Balkan states. For Macedonian children in Vardar, Aegean and Pirin Macedonia the languages of school tuition were foreign to them. During the World War I on the territories occupied by Bulgaria, children were taught in Bulgarian by teachers specially sent there or those who had come before, usually Orthodox clergymen (exarchate). Such a policy was continued and still reinforced in the interwar period, with a view to destroying the Macedonian culture and language used in daily life. All public Macedonian demonstrations were prohibited.
PL
W 2012 roku zostało założone wydawnictwo “Betsaida”, aby służyć nowej ewangelizacji w Holandii i holenderskojęzycznej części Belgii. Ten artykuł próbuje wyjaśnić powodzenie tej inicjatywy z perspektywy najnowszej historii Kościoła.
EN
In 2012, publishing house “Betsaida” was founded to render service to the new evangelisation in the Netherlands and in the Dutch speaking part of Belgium. This article tries to explain the success of this initiative from the perspective of recent Church history.
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Content available Aktorzy spektaklu obsceniczności
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Konteksty Kultury
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2022
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tom 19
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nr 2
196-204
EN
The obscene aspects of power are the guilty pleasures of the insecure “Schongeister.” They are the reason for artists and intellectuals to join the ruling camp –a reason perhaps more frequent and an incentive stronger than fear and opportunism. This underestimated background of the motivations in the spectacle of power –both under communism and today, when power comes from a democratic mandate – is analyzed here using the observations offered by contemporary psychoanalytic thought.
PL
Obsceniczne aspekty sprawowania władzy stanowią guilty pleasures niepewnych swego pięknoduchów. Są przyczyną akcesu do obozu władzy artystów i intelektualistów – przyczyną może częstszą bodźcem silniejszym aniżeli strach i oportunizm. To zapoznawane tło motywacji uczestników spektaklu władzy zarówno w czasach komunizmu, jak i dzisiaj, kiedy władza pochodzi z demokratycznego mandatu, jest tu analizowane z wykorzystaniem rozpoznań oferowanych przez dzisiejszą myśl psychoanalityczną.
PL
The profession of country teacher is examined in the context of the demands of the nationalist movement during an escalation of relations between Poland and Ukraine in Galicia in the second part of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Teachers in country schools, as the lowest link in intellectual structure, were obliged to participatate in the nationalist movement, andfulfill the function of intermediaries between the broad social strata and the country'e intellectual elite. These responsibilities often contradicted the educational role of a teacher, compelling him to seek a compromise between national and professional requirements. The teacher’s choice in favour of national duties often became a source of conflict between the school administration and the province's authorities.
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