The present paper provides a detailed description and analysis of the meaning of the BE NAA…LA form in Basse Mandinka within the cognitive and grammaticalization framework. On the one hand, the author designs the exact range of the semantic potential of the BE NAA…LA form by enumerating all possible senses which this construction can convey. On the other hand, he demonstrates that the considerable polysemy offered by the BE NAA…LA form may be networked, holistically grasped and dynamically explained by making use of two chaining templates based upon two distinct evolutionary paths, viz. the future perfect path and the venitive path. As a result, the meaning of the BE NAA…LA form is viewed as an amalgamation of two semantic spaces organized along two different paths. This amalgamation has its roots in a formal merger of the two underlying input expressions, which constitute the conceptual and diachronic sources of the two paths, and in a partial semantic overlap of the semantic domains available along these two evolutionary templates.
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The point of departure for the present paper is the status of the bare participial form as inherited from MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan) by early NIA (New Indo-Aryan) with its stative force. It is a very well known phenomenon in the contemporary IA languages that the past participle can be extended by a past participle form based of the verb to be (e.g. MSH - Modern Standard Hindi - huā). It is also noticeable that not all NIA languages allow such extension and that several languages developed further, and reinterpreted the extended forms. The aim of the present paper will be to demonstrate how the stative participles developed in two branches of IA, namely Eastern and Western Pahari.1 The data for this preliminary research has been excerpted from Western Pahari inscriptions (Chhabra 1957), Eastern Pahari inscriptions (Pokharel 1974; Cauhān 2008; Joshi 2009), reference grammars and folk texts
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Purpose: T he present study, divided into a series of two papers, provides a detailed empirical description and cognitive-grammaticalization analysis of the meaning of a Mandinka verbal expression compounded of the non-verbal predicator be ‘be’, a verbal noun expressing a given action and the postposition kaŋ ‘on, at’ (so-called the Nominal KAŊ form). Method: T he author follows the cognitive approach to verbal semantics which consists first of determining the exact range of contextually induced senses and next of unifying such values into a consistent map based upon certain diachronic universals or grammaticalization paths. Results: T he synchronic inventory of senses of the Nominal KAŊ form (i.e. progressive, continuous, progressive-iterative, iterative, habitual and durative values) shows that this construction can be mapped using the imperfective path as a template of chaining. This mapping, hypothesized on the ground of synchronic semantic evidence and typological diachronic laws, is next corroborated by the structural properties of the Nominal KAŊ locution, especially by its locative and nominal character. Conclusion: A ll the evidence enables the author to semantically define the NomKAŊ form as a nonadvanced imperfective-path gram. Part 1: In the second article of the series, the author designs the map of the semantic potential of the Nominal KAŊ locution and corroborates it by analyzing formal properties of this construction
The form of terminative, in Old and Classical Egyptian known as sDm.t=f, was present in all the stages of Egyptian language until Coptic. The paper analyses changes which occurred in that form due to a process of grammaticalization. These changes were mostly congruent with a well-known pattern: main verb > auxiliary verb > prefix, the pattern, which can be commonly observed in the development of Egyptian language. However, there were also some other mechanisms, which should be considered much more unusual. The paper shows circumstances under which such mechanisms can be observed, in particular: a role of phonetic change in a language and coexisting of words of different lexical category, originating from the same word. Egyptian, being a written language for nearly four thousand years, allows to point such atypical examples and show their origins and consequences over a long period of time.
PL
Forma terminativu, w staroegipskim i klasycznym egipskim znana jako sdm. t=f, występowała we wszystkich etapach języka egipskiego, aż do koptyjskiego. Autorka artykułu analizuje zmiany, które zaszły w tej formie na skutek procesu gramatykalizacji. Zmiany te w znacznym stopniu zgodne były z dobrze znanym schematem: czasownik główny > czasownik posiłkowy > prefiks, schematem, który jest powszechnie obserwowalny w rozwoju języka egipskiego. Jednakże, zachodziły tam także inne, bardziej nietypowe mechanizmy. W artykule ukazano okoliczności, w jakich takie mechanizmy mogą wystąpić, w szczególności: rolę mających miejsce w języku zmian fonetycznych oraz współwystępowanie słów należących do różnych części mowy, ale pochodzących od tego samego słowa. Egipski, który był językiem pisanym przez niemal cztery tysiące lat, pozwala wskazać takie nietypowe przykłady i określić ich pochodzenie oraz późniejszy rozwój w dłuższym okresie.
The present paper studies the PÓJŚĆ gram in Polish – a construction composed of the verb pójść ‘walk’ and another inflected verb. The author demonstrates that the PÓJŚĆ can be represented as a set of stages on the path linking bi-clausality/bi-verbiness and mono-clausal/mono-verbiness. Specifically, it spans the section ranging from a non-canonical, less cohesive instantiation of a serial verb construction (SVC) (in which it overlaps with asyndetic coordination) to a canonical instantiation of SVC (in which it complies with the SVC prototype to a large extent). Accordingly, the study corroborates the view that SVCs may derive from asyndetic coordination and, by accumulating properties associated with different parts of the clausality/verbiness continuum, gradually develop towards SVC. This gradualness is not only diachronic, but may also be observed synchronically.
This paper is essentially a state-of-the-art overview of the three most current and influential publications on the history of English reflexives, selected for their contrasting methodologies, i.e. Elly van Gelderen’s [2000], Edward L. Keenan’s [2002], Ekkehad König and Peter Siemund’s [2000]. A broad view of some well established insights into the historical development of self allows us to detail some factors that are significant in its distribution patterns. In the analytical section we relate these factors to the occurrences of self in Manuscript A of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
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The fact that posture verbs tend to grammaticalize into aspectual markers of progressivity in a wide-range of (un)related languages makes them particularly interesting objects of study. The present paper aims to contribute to our understanding of how the active posture participle “yālis” (sitting) plus imperfective verb have come to express the progressive aspect in Emirati Arabic. The proposed answer to this puzzling question involves the claim that, crosslinguistically, progressive constructions are known to originate from locative constructions in which the agent is described as in the midst of an activity. The function of “yālis” (sitting) as an auxiliary verb - like appears to be the result of a grammaticalization process, as certain principles of grammaticalization such as desemanticization, extension, and decategorialization were found to apply to it. Data from Emirati Arabic variety suggest that the construction has undergone semantic and morphosyntatctic changes but retained its phonetic content. As part of the new construction, the active participle “yālis” (sitting) has also changed its argument structure.
The present paper demonstrates that insights from the affordances perspective can contribute to developing a more comprehensive model of grammaticalization. The authors argue that the grammaticalization process is afforded differently depending on the values of three contributing parameters: the factor (schematized as a qualitative-quantitative map or a wave of a gram), environment (understood as the structure of the stream along which the gram travels), and actor (narrowed to certain cognitive-epistemological capacities of the users, in particular to the fact of being a native speaker). By relating grammaticalization to these three parameters and by connecting it to the theory of optimization, the proposed model offers a better approximation to realistic cases of grammaticalization: The actor and environment are overtly incorporated into the model and divergences from canonical grammaticalization paths are both tolerated and explicable.
The main purpose of this research paper is to investigate predicates expressing the possessive meaning “to have” in Taiwan Mandarin and Czech. In Taiwan Mandarin, the word you has the semantic meaning of “to have” and “to exist” (Huang, 1987; Her, 1991). Mít in Czech, however, has three main usages (Daneš, 1987; Karlík — Nekula — Rusínová, 1995; 1996; Čechová, 2000; Cvrček, 2010): it is used as a modal, an auxiliary or a possessive verb. According to the language data collected from Taiwanese students who study Czech, these students often use mít in Czech to express not only possessionbut also existence, or they incorrectly use it as an auxiliary — in other words — their knowledge of you in Taiwan Mandarin seems to interfere (Brown, 2007) with their usage of mít in Czech. In this paper, firstly, relevant literature dealing with the usages of you in Taiwan Mandarin and mít in Czech will be introduced; secondly, there will follow a discussion of the language data collected from the NCCU foreign language learner corpus; thirdly, the grammaticalization theory (Heine, 1997) will be applied to investigate Taiwan Mandarin you and Czech mít, which shall offer a number of explanations regarding the observable typological diversity across these two languages. In spite of the fact that there are similar research papers related to the expression of possessive meaning in these two languages, this paper assumes that the cross-linguistic typological discussion shall bring more insight into the characteristics of these two languages. Furthermore, apart from advancing the typological discussion of these two languages, it is expected that this paper will also aid the preparation of related textbooks and teaching materials.
This paper provides an overview of some possible stages in the evolution of syntax. It is argued, following Heine & Kuteva (2007), Jackendoff (1999), Johansson (2005), and Burling (2002), that syntax developed gradually through clearly identifiable developmental stages, not as maintained by Bickerton (1990) in one fell swoop.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł zawiera przegląd możliwych etapów w ewolucji syntaksy. Autorka twierdzi, opierając się m.in. na badaniach takich uczonych, jak: Heine & Kuteva (2007), Jackendoff (1999), Johansson (2005) i Burling (2002), że syntaksa rozwijała się stopniowo, a nie jak utrzymuje Bickerton (1990) za jednym zamachem.
In this paper, I take up the case of quotative evidentials and their (non-?)existence in Romance languages, in an attempt to illustrate the fact that the dialogue between typological linguistics and general linguistics is essential. I review briefly the case of grammaticalization from a typological point of view, and the category of evidentiality, before discussing the case of discourse markers specialized in the introduction of reported speech, in Romance languages.
The diachronic and synchronic analyses presented in this paper show the possible influences of German on the Kashubian tense system. The diversity of relation between Slavonic substrate and German adstrate, which are determined by the geographical location and historical conditions, are perfectly noticeable in the Kashubian tense system. The Slavonic tense substrate, which manifests itself in the preservation of Slavonic analytic perfect tense and its further analysis to the synthetic form jô béł, co-occur with the periphrastic constructions with the verbs miec and bëc with passive participles. Such structures may – at least partly – result from language contact with German. The confrontative analysis presented in this paper of the Kashubian periphrastic constructions of the verb miec with passive parti-ciples against respective Polish and German constructions are the evidence of the unique structure of Kashubian language system, which merges elements of various provenience.
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This article deals with the Czech reflexive form se and its categorization from both diachronic and synchronic perspectives. It is argued that in Old Czech, the reflexive was clearly a pronoun because it could be used in a number of contexts that are indicative of its having a syntactic function, e.g. in the context of coordination. Since then, however, the reflexive se has been gradually losing its pronominal nature, being replaced in pronominal contexts by the (originally genitive) form sebe. This process has not been completed yet, hence in contemporary Czech, the reflexive has both pronominal features and features of a morpheme/particle. It thus cannot be discretely categorized; such a categorization would be an inadequate oversimplification because it would necessarily ignore some of the features of the reflexive. Therefore, instead of asking whether the form se is a pronoun or a morpheme/particle in contemporary Czech, I try to answer the question of what pronominal and what non-pronominal features it has.
The paper discusses the syntactic status of the Polish demonstrative pronoun ten ‘this’ in the light of grammaticalization theory. The discussion begins with establishing formal (morphosyntactic) as well as semantic criteria for discriminating between articles and demonstratives. Then it reviews arguments for the demonstrative status of ten put forward in the literature. The paper ends with providing evidence for the definite article status of ten. Although the primary function of ten is still that of a demonstrative pronoun, it reveals some traces of categorial change on the grammaticalization cline in spoken Polish.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł omawia składniowy status polskiego zaimka wskazującego ten w ramach teorii gramatykalizacji. W pierwszej części artykułu zostały ustalone kryteria formalne (morfoskładniowe) i semantyczne pomocne w odróżnianiu zaimków wskazujących od przedimków. Następnie przedstawione zostały argumenty potwierdzające status zaimka wskazującego omawianego elementu. Ostatnia część artykułu jest poświęcona przedimkowym właściwościom zaimka ten. Pomimo że podstawową funkcją tej części mowy jest funkcja zaimka wskazującego, artykuł pokazuje, że ten zdradza również cechy przedimkowe szczególnie w potocznym języku polskim.
The focus of this analysis is the verb wziąć (“take”) in Polish in patterns such as wział I umarł; weź przestań (lit. He took and died; Take, stop it!), in which the verb co-occurs with another inflected verb. Premised upon the methodological claims of Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995), the analysis leads to the conclusion that the intriguing syntactic patterns are indeed lexicalizations of a construction and are semantically motivated. It is claimed that both verbs co-lexicalize a single event and that the semantic import of the wziąć component is gone, bleached in the process of grammaticalization. As it is suggested in the analysis, the verb wziąć encodes only the onset in a series of the sequentially scanned configurations making up one single event (Langacker 1997). Such an arrangement of the scene of the conceptualized event motivates both the specific syntactic realization of the construction and its characteristic meaning.
The article focuses on the synthetic future (FS: “hablaré”) and the analytic future (FA: “voy a hablar”). It presents three perspectives on the use and the distribution of these two forms based on existing studies. The first perspective is represented by studies which focus on linguistic factors and explain the rise in frequency of the analytic future as a result of the grammaticalization of ir a + infinitive. The second perspective assumes that the FS and the FA are used in different semantic-pragmatic contexts and the third perspective points to different situational meanings of the FA and the FS.
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