The main objective of this paper is to define the main dimensions of gang, its structure, mutual connections and influence on the contemporary society at national and international level. This paper is based on knowledge about the issues of gang and presents the main differences and characteristics of formalized and non-formalized gang and the main identical and different characters. It comes from a study of current knowledge on the issue of gang and discusses its general forms. In this paper, a discussion of existing studies and typologies of these peculiar social groups, including an explanation is provided. The next section will introduce the particular qualities of the crimes committed by (mostly youth) gangs and explain their possible causes. The main findings of the paper is putting relations between formalized and non-formalized gang and their influence on the present and future society in the social, psychological, economic, ethnic and criminal dimension.
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Prior to analysing and comparing delinquent groups of youths at the international level, it is necessary to create a definition of this phenomenon: what is a gang? Definitions of what constitutes a juvenile gang within comparative research are invariably general in nature; and their subsequent operationalisation in empirical research constrains research about gang membership in specific contexts. This article argues that the ‘Eurogang’ definition employed in the second wage of International Self-Report Delinquency (ISRD) Study has a number of potential weaknesses; and this study offers a solution by proposing a revised gang definition for the Czech Republic, Germany, Austria and Switzerland.
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The aim of this article is to describe a gang subculture that has emerged in a Mexican pueblo and to explain its origin. Explanations which indicate the globalization of culture are insufficient, as long as they leave the question why this certain subculture appeared in pueblo unanswered. The author of the article, using the ethnographic data which she has collected in Mexico, explains that the gang subculture is a social remittance transferred from the U.S. by the migrants. The concept of social remittances introduced by Peggy Levitt seems to be the most suitable explanation due to the migratory character of the community. Migrants from the pueblo under study are connected with their hometown and with other migrants both in Mexico and in the U.S. As a result of sixty years of spatial mobility, the community has turned transnational. In the transnational space of the community, monetary and social remittances are exchanged. The author shows, however, that the concept of social remittances does not lead to explain how an urban subculture could be transferred to a rural community. In order to explain the conditions necessary for a successful remittance, it is crucial to take into account the world-system localization of the places between which the remittances flow and understand life opportunities of the members of a transnational community. In spite of the fact that the community under study is located both in the center and periphery, the youth join gangs, on either side of the state border, due to their discontent and in search of alternative patterns to an oppressive social structure.
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