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Content available remote Model władzy w państwach postsowieckich
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EN
The aim of this article is to show the evolution of the model of power in the former Soviet states on the example of Belarus, Azerbaijan and Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan). The research task of this article is to answer the following questions: Why in the post- Soviet states the most attractive and the most effective is the quasi-authoritarian system? Which factors influenced on deep-rooted authoritarianism in analyzed counties? Why the post-Soviet republics society accepts such a model? And finally, are any chances of the regime’s transition towards the classical democratic system? The role of the referendum in increasing the power of the president will be explored, too.
EN
Aim/purpose – Higher compensation and increased share ownership are believed to drive fewer earnings management. Therefore, the study examines the moderating impact of share ownership on the relationship between executive compensation and earnings management of listed Deposit Money Banks in Nigeria. Design/methodology/approach – Panel Least Square regression and Stata 13 were used for the estimation. The secondary data source was employed and extracted from the banks’ published financial statements covering the period from 2007-2018. Postestimation tests, including normality tests of standard error, heteroscedasticity, and multicollinearity, were carried out to validate the outcome. Executive compensation variable is represented by Chief Executive Officer Pay (CEO Pay), Board Chairman’s compensation, and the highestpaid director, while executive share ownership represents the mod-erator variable. Chang et al. (2008) model was used to proxy earnings management. Findings – The findings revealed that CEO Pay increases the banks’ level of earnings management, while after moderation with executive share ownership; CEO pay decreases the possibilities of earnings management by banks. Compensation to Chairmen of the banks decreases the level of earnings management of banks. However, an increase in share ownership of the board with an increase in compensation to chairmen of banks’ boards increases the earnings management practices of the management of the banks. Research implications/limitations – The findings imply that the executive ownership interest should be made to align with that of the minority shareholders following an increase in their stake so that they can act in the overall best interest of the owners. The study is limited to only the banking sector and some specific executive compensation variables. Originality/value/contribution – The utilization of the highest paid director variable and use of share ownership as a moderator between executive compensations and earnings management.
EN
Different authors at different times have given an unequal definition to the term of public administration compared to what it is used today. The author Georges Vestel has defined the public administration as “the set of activities aimed at maintaining the public peace and meeting other needs of the general interest. This definition corresponds to the etymology of the term administration - “administration” which means “to serve”. But Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his work, Social Charter, defined the public administration under the government term. He stated that: “I call a government or a supreme administration the legitimate exercise of the executive power. Some authors use “administrative” and “executive” terms in an alternate way, with the same meaning. Other authors make a clear distinction between terms. They define the state administration as “an activity which is carried out for the concrete fulfilment of the functions of the state and the duties of the organs of the state administration”. So these authors distinguish the state administration from the executive activity which the executive bodies perform. The paper aims to suggest a set of strategies and improvements by starting from a theoretical background of the definition of power balance and separation in public administration and governing bodies and its evolutionary definition over time, and by reflecting those findings as a set of suggestions, by considering the actual Albanian Code of Administrative procedures, strategies and practices.
EN
An important element of the parliamentary-cabinet system is the appointment of the Council of Ministers whose members and political program reflects the majority in parliament. The opinion presents the consequences of the President’s appointment of the Prime Minister and its government, which falls due to the failure of the Sejm to pass a vote of confidence. It analyzes the possibility (or not) of the President’s disagreement to take the oath of office from members of the Council of Ministers electedby the Sejm in accordance with Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution. The author’s considerations lead to the conclusion that the President of the Republic – guided by his constitutional duty to guarantee the continuity of state power and to uphold state security – should perform the act of swearing in the new government elected by the Sejm immediately after the Marshal of the Sejm passes the resolution on the election of the new Council of Ministers.
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tom 2
201-214
EN
Legal-political changes in the Russian Federation during the first presidency of Vladimir Putin, covering the years 2000-2008, are the subject of the article. The study first focuses on the strengthening of executive power, both at the central and regional levels, consolidating the power camp and shaping the political system of the state. In the period under analysis, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation were increased, the Federation Council was weakened, control over the regions was strengthened, and a number of rights and freedoms of citizens were limited. In his actions, Putin relied on the power ministries and secured the loyalty of the State Duma and the oligarchs. The United Russia party became his political base. Putin’s political opponents and competitors were ruthlessly eliminated from political life. An analysis of the features of the political system of the Russian Federation indicates that it had become an authoritarian state.
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EN
The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they
PL
Bariery w realizacji polityki publicznej pojawiają się na długo przed przystąpieniem do jej wdrażania. Wadliwe instytucje utrudniają właściwą identyfikację problemów i formułowanie polityki. Głównym problemem jest brak określenia centrum decyzyjnego, będącego głównym podmiotem odpowiedzialnym za tworzenie polityki publicznej. Funkcjonalne splecenie władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej pozbawia parlament wpływu na kształt polityki publicznej. Również rząd nie pełni przypisanej mu funkcji prowadzenia polityki. Dane z badań świadczą o przejęciu tej funkcji przez resorty i braku koordynacji działań legislacyjnych. Prawo jest instrumentem komunikowania wcześniej podjętych decyzji. Nie wykorzystuje się obiektywnej wiedzy ani konsultacji społecznych, które mogłyby równoważyć malejącą rolę parlamentu. Utrudnia to dobranie właściwych instrumentów realizacji polityki.
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63%
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tom nr 6
12-15
PL
W ramach profilaktycznej ochrony zdrowia pracownika na każdym pracodawcy spoczywa obowiązek zapewnienia bezpiecznych i higienicznych warunków pracy Obejmuje on nie tylko przestrzeganie ogólnie uznawanych norm w tym zakresie, lecz również indywidualnych przeciwwskazań związanych ze stanem zdrowia lub osobniczymi skłonnościami pracownika. Jednym z kluczowych elementów są badania lekarskie, których celem jest ustalenie zdolności do pracy w warunkach występujących na danym stanowisku Publikacja ma na celu przybliżenie pracodawcom oraz osobom kierującym pracownikami, obowiązków spoczywających na nich w związku z profilaktycznymi badaniami lekarskimi pracowników. Drugim celem jest zwrócenie uwagi pracownikom na ich obowiązki w związku z profilaktyką lekarską. Tekst publikacji uwzględnia zmiany przepisów odnoszące się do badań pracowników, które weszły w życie 1 kwietnia 2015 roku.
EN
Within the scope of employee health protection, every employer is liable to ensure occupational safety and health. This responsibility concerns not only adherence to commonly acknowledged norms in this respect, but also individual contraindications related to an employee's general state of health or peculiar predispositions. One of the key elements of prevention is medical examinations whose purpose is to ascertain the capability of an employee to work under the conditions present in the given workplace. This paper aims to familiarize employers or executives with their responsibilities concerning employee preventive medical examinations. The second objective of the paper is to draw employees' attention to their responsibilities regarding medical prevention. The text of this paper accepts the changes in law concerning employee examinations which took effect on 1st April 2015.
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Content available Podmiotowość, wolność i ludzkie działanie
63%
PL
W artykule tym analizowana jest relacja pomiędzy koncepcją jednostki a jej zdolnością do podejmowania wolnych i racjonalnych wyborów, zarówno indywidualnych jak i zbiorowych. Problem ten podejmują w swych pracach współcześni liberalni filozofowie i ekonomiści: Arrow, Buchanan, Rawls i Sen. Ten ostatni koncentruje uwagę na indywidualnym działającym podmiocie i na pojęciu zdolności, które wynikają z wolności jednostki, oraz stanowią podstawę dla stworzonej przez niego teorii sprawiedliwości. Badania te dowodzą, że liberalna filozofia polityczna oraz ekonomia są obecnie uprawiane jako dziedziny nie wolne od wartościowania.
EN
This paper analyzes the relationship between the concept of the individual and their ability to make free and rational choices, both individual and collective. The problem has been discussed in the works of many contemporary liberal philosophers and economists: Arrow, Buchanan, Rawls, and Sen. The latter focuses mainly on an acting person and on the concept of capabilities which stem from freedom of the individual, and create the basis for the theory of justice. These studies show that liberal political philosophy and economics can no longer be considered a value-free domain.
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2019
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tom 79
14-28
EN
Many Americans and outside observers assume that the United States of America was founded upon a cluster of principles known as the “Rule of Law”. Indeed, Articles I, II, and III of the United States Constitution of 1789, purportedly establish the rights and authorities of three co-equal branches of government: the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Adherence to the Rule of Law in the United States, however, has a much shorter history. During the 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries, the President of the United States – leader of the executive branch—often ignored or contradicted decisions by the judiciary when it served their ambitions. Monumental architecture and actions by early Justices on the U.S. Supreme Court also testify that the judiciary was the least respected branch in the U.S. government. Not until 1954 with the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision of Brown v. Board of Education and its vigorous enforcement by the President of the United States – nearly 200 years after America’s founding – can the United States accurately be described as a nation that consistently follows the Rule of Law. With the repeated questionable and unconstitutional tactics deployed by the Trump administration, however, this period of the Rule of Law in the United States is waning. To prevent its continued decline, the Rule of Law in the United States (and elsewhere) must be vigorously protected and nurtured. For in the end, the Rule of Law is merely an idea, a belief that must be acted upon to be realized. When not constantly protected and cultivated, the Rule of Law can and will wither.
EN
The purpose of the article is to confront two leading theories of representation and accountability of the Office of U.S. Solicitor General (SG), responsible for arguing for the United States in cases before the U.S. Supreme Court. The first theory gives the primary role to the president and the executive as the main actors which are represented by activities undertaken by SG in the Court. The second theory underlines the role of judiciary in argumentation prepared by SG for the Court thus proving close relationship between the Office and the Justices. Author gives some other possible answers to the question of actual source of representation and accountability of contemporary U.S. Solicitors’ General.
EN
W ostatnich dziesięcioleciach nastąpiły istotne zmiany w zakresie wynagrodzeń osób zarządzających firmami. Nie tylko tendencja wzrostu tych wynagrodzeń, lecz także znaczące przejście w kierunku uwzględniania czynników opartych na wyniku i (szczególnie) wartości rynkowej firmy, sprawiły, że zjawisko to zwróciło uwagę prawników i ekonomistów. W artykule tym autorzy, w oparciu o obowiązujące regulacje prawne, chcieliby rzucić światło na praktyczne aspekty określania wysokości uposażeń osób zarządzających korporacjami.
RU
В процессе анализа источников, описывающих реализацию механизма ответственности исполнительной власти в европейских странах, исследовательский интерес автора был направлен на изучение неоднородности и разнообразия правовых норм в законодательстве многих стран Европы, где регламентирован механизм парламентской ответственности правительства, а также близости некоторых норм законодательной регламентации механизмов ответственности исполнительной власти в странах Европы и Российской Федерации. Особое внимание уделено вопросам ответственности министров, их правовому статусу, а также взаимодействию с парламентами. Также в статье исследованы формы парламентской ответственности правительства: вотум недоверия, отказ в доверии и процедура импичмента. В завершении статьи автор приходит к выводу, что в России происходит сочетание ее исторических особенностей правового регулирования института ответственности исполнительной власти перед законодательной и внедрения ряда новых, передовых идей, существующих в странах Европы.
EN
During the analysis of sources on the implementation of mechanism responsibility of executive power in the European countries, the research interests of the author was aimed to analyze the heterogeneity and differences between the legal norms in the legislation of European countries, where the mechanism of parliamentary responsibility of the government has been subjected to regulations as well as the convergence of some legal norms relating to the responsibility mechanism of executive in the countries of Europe and the Russian Federation. Particular attention was paid to the issues of responsibility of ministers, their legal status, as well as cooperation with the parliament. Furthermore, in the article forms of parliamentary responsibility of the government were examined: motion confidence, denial of appointment and the impeachment procedure. At the end of the article the author concludes that in Russia attempts are made to connect its historical peculiarities of legal regulation of the responsibility institution of the executive to the legislature and to introduce a number of new guiding ideas existing in European countries.
EN
The article discusses the issues of evolution of the political position of heads of government in Hungary. The time frame is between 1990 and 2020. A wide historical spectrum is included as well, showing the transformations of the supreme bodies of state power. After 1989, Hungary opted to establish a parliamentary cabinet system, with some strengthening of the government’s powers. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political factions in the countries discussed. The analysis takes into account both constitutional regulations and political practice over the past nearly 30 years. A particular strengthening of the political position of the Prime Minister can be seen after 2010.
PL
W artykule poruszono problematykę ewolucji pozycji politycznej szefów rządów na Węgrzech. Ramy czasowe obejmują lata 1990-2020. Uwzględniono również szerokie spektrum historyczne, ukazujące przemiany najwyższych organów władzy państwowej. Po 1989 r. Węgry zdecydowały się na ustanowienie parlamentarnego systemu gabinetów, z pewnym wzmocnieniem uprawnień rządu. Instytucja Prezesa Rady Ministrów stała się realnym instrumentem władzy politycznej przywódców frakcji politycznych w omawianych krajach. Analiza uwzględnia zarówno regulacje konstytucyjne, jak i praktykę polityczną ostatnich prawie 30 lat. Szczególne wzmocnienie pozycji politycznej Prezesa Rady Ministrów widać po 2010 r.
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