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EN
The rulers of Scythia left kurgans instead of palaces. We know 17 Scythian kings and 14 of them are associated with the steppes of the Northern Pontic area. The period of active kurgans’ building in the steppe began by the time of the Ariapeith dynasty. About 6 or 7 kings can be related with it. At the same time the number of kurgans, that could be looked at as “candidates” for the Scythian ruler’s tombs, reaches six dozens. We can identify centers of regional structures using these kurgans as bearing points of the spatial structure of Scythia. The political centre of Scythia (5 – 3 c. BC) was located near the rifts of the lower Dnieper river. The importance of this area is emphasized by 4 most famous kurgans, probably tombs of the supreme kings. There are also 3 barrows of the second level, two or three times smaller than the royal ones and 10 graves of the third level, which are dozen times smaller than the giant tombs of the kings. The remaining 40 – 45 barrows could be divided in 11 or 12 local groups apparently marking regional centers of the Herodotus`s and Post-Herodotus`s Scythia.
2
Content available Las Élites y las Grandes Transformaciones
100%
EN
The discussion about elites is part of a cumbersome and long debate. In the context of a globalized world, the task becomes even more complex to understand. It is because national borders no longer define or, at least, do not define completely, all the loyalties and actions of powerful groups. Meanwhile, the transnational space opens new fields of activity and, along with, gives them new opportunities. In first place, this paper aims to understand the very meaning of a power elite: its significance and its possible implications for some selected economic and historical processes. Secondly, since the elites are largely defined by their social environment, the present paper seeks to understand the particularity of the American case. Finally, we try to explain how this ruling class influenced the consolidation of the United States as the leading world power, participating in the creation of a specific international system, based on institutions and the global regulation.
3
Content available remote Romanian research on elites of the 19th and 20th centuries
88%
EN
The paper offers a synthetic overview of the historical and social sciences writings on 19th and 20th century Romanian elites. Following the original local sociological constructs developed during the interwar period, the early socialist regime stopped almost all research on the topic for the next two decades. The interest rose again slowly in the 1970s and 1980s, when preliminary investigations highlighted some of the future research subjects: intellectuals, economic, and political elites. After 1989, historians were the first to enter the field, opening workshops on the previously mentioned categories, and more recently on ecclesiastical, military, and administrative elites. Social and political scientists followed shortly, focusing mainly – but not exclusively – on the socialist and post-socialist elites. Despite the flourishing period of the last two decades, and the generally positive trend, the historical research on elites in Romania produced mainly empirical studies. The methodological and theoretical framework was left unapproached, partly due to a lack of tradition, partly because of the low level of collaboration between historians and social scientists.
EN
The author has introduced an anti-reformatory concept of Jaroslav Borzita of M artinice, which he applied on his estates and whose partial processes he tried to enforce throughout the kingdom. The nobleman’s practices bore many traces of explicit violence. In his study, the author seeks to illustrate the gradual development and refinement of the concept, introduction of new anti-reformatory elements, but also responses of his contemporaries whom he provoked with his opinions. The author also attempts to reconstruct an argumentation through which Jaroslav Borzita of Martinice tried to legitimize his cause.
EN
Two issues regarding the social status of Archaic Greek (and other Aegean) mercenaries are discussed. The historiographical issue consists in exploring the reasons why the image of a limited participation restricted to the elites has until recently prevailed. The influence of social anthropology, which contributed to the development of a series of conceptual automatisms, is seen as the main cause for the emergence of the elitist thesis. The historical and anthropological issue consists in a summary re‑evaluation of the most appropriate and persuasive sources that provide clues for the broader social participation in mercenary activities.
EN
O. Almgren in his 1897 published study on nordeuropean forms of brooches characterized known specimens from the region and classified them in seven groups. His group VI matches brooches with inverted foot as well as their derivative forms with full catch-plate. They are main forms of the late Roman and early Migrations periods Shape and form of those brooches breaks with the early Roman Period’s stilistical traditions, showind differences in construction, because catch-plate is being made by bending the foot downwards, its and is then wrapped around the bow. This key for the studies on late antiquity group of brooches is one of the less published forms of the Barbaricum. O. Almgren himself have had treated them unfairy, whereas later studies didn’t gave precise arrangements. However the homogenity of this goup of artefacts; especially type 158 characteristic for the Przeworsk Culture, have been emphasized. Therefore new classificaton of brooches of the Almgren’s VI Group with taking into consideration all of the deriverative forms and variations was an absolute necessity. It was also essential due to the significance for the chronology of early and late Roman Period. The min assumption of the paper was to work out the one piece brooches of the type 158. The method used for the division is based upon the system proposed by O. Almgren. It is still up to date, however some detailed assumptins are necessery. It is due to the fact that some of O. Almgren’s forms have been described unaccuratelly, therefore determination of arefacts according to his division in chefly uneasy. It is also imprtant to ephasize the fact that since the firt publication of Almgren’s study, the have been noted enormous growth in number of known specimens, some of them are therefore not preciselly represented in typology of the swedish scholar. Main characteristics of brooches taken under consieration by division of sub-types and variants are construction of the specific specimen, shape of the bow as well as its decoration. Such characteristics as form of ornamentation and stilistic criterion i.e. proportions of the appropriate parts of the brooch were also considered. In the process a clusters of broches with some variants within have been archieved. Main part of the paper is the classification of O. Almgren’s type 158 brooches. The study is based upon 799 specimens. The final effect of this analise is the stilistic division of variants with main goal in tighening the chronology of characterized clustes of artefacts.
7
63%
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2018
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nr 1(228)
65-98
PL
Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie oraz analiza wyobrażeń młodych polskich elit intelektualnych na temat państwa. W artykule omówiono historyczny kontekst relacji między inteligencją a państwem, ze zwróceniem uwagi na związane z tym ambiwalencje. Autor stawia tezę, że młode elity inteligenckie są przekonane o półperyferyjnym położeniu Polski, zarazem ich przedstawiciele artykułują potrzebę istnienia aktywnego, inkluzywnego państwa, którego – ich zdaniem – nie udało się zbudować po 1989 roku. Chociaż zauważalny kierunek myślenia podkreślający znaczenie państwa ma ponadpokoleniowy charakter, to wyraźnie zaznacza się wśród młodszych generacji. Praca ma charakter empiryczny. Podstawę analizy stanowi kilkadziesiąt wywiadów pogłębionych z przedstawicielami młodych inteligenckich elit. Nawiązuje ona do historyczno-socjologicznych refleksji nad świadomością polskiej inteligencji.
EN
The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the ideas of young Polish intellectual elites about the state. The article discusses the historical context of the relationship between intelligentsia and the state. I also pay attention to the related ambivalences. I argue that young intellectual elites are convinced of the semi-peripheral position of Poland. Simultaneously, their representatives speak for an active, inclusive state that, in their opinion, had not been built after 1989. Although the noticeable way of thinking that emphasizes the importance of the state is shared across generations, it is markedly present among younger generations. The basis of the presented analysis is several dozen in-depth interviews with representatives of young intellectual elites. The article contributes to historical and sociological studies on the consciousness of Polish intelligentsia.
PL
Artykuł niniejszy podejmuje ważkie zagadnienie związków między tezami o upadku (kryzysie) kultury Zachodu a koncepcją elit twórczych i ich rolą - w świetle polskiej myśli filozoficznej dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Elitaryzm przejawia się w indywidualizmie Wincentego Lutosławskiego i Stanisława Ignacego Witkiewicza, w uniwersalizmie Jerzego Brauna, w katolickiej filozofii kultury Józefa Pastuszki oraz w myśli kulturo-socjologicznej Floriana Znanieckiego. Pogląd ten wiąże się z przypisaniem funkcji społecznej bądź artystycznej, często misji kulturalnej, wybitnym jednostkom. W dwudziestoleciu, wraz z pojawieniem się kryzysu kultury oraz zjawiska masowości, dostrzega się dwoistą rolę elit: pozytywną (kulturo- i osobo- twórczą) i negatywną (destrukcyjną). Polscy filozofowie kultury nie ulegają presji pesymizmu i katastrofizmu, formułują prognozy i projektują kulturę przyszłości, próbując ustalić prawidłowe relacje między elitą a masami. W tym programie przezwyciężenia kryzysu upatrywać można misji elit, jak i poszukiwania nowego sensu kultury, podkreślającego jej pozytywny aspekt i silniejszy związek z życiem, także szerokich mas społeczeństwa polskiego w nowo odrodzonym państwie (idea uspołecznienia kultury).
EN
This article treats the important issue of the relationships between the theories of the fall (crisis) of Western culture and the concept and the role of creative elites—as reflected in the Polish philosophical thought of the interwar period. Elitism appears in the individualism of Wincenty Lutoslawski and Stanisław Ignacy Witkiewicz, in the universalism of Jerzy Braun, in the Catholic philosophy of culture of Józef Pastuszka and in the socio-cultural thought of Florian Znaniecki. This view involves the assignment of a social or artistic function, and frequently, cultural missions, to prominent individuals. In the two decades, with the advent of the crisis of culture and the mass phenomenon, we can notice the dual role of elites: a positive (cultural and personality forming) and negative (destructive) one. Polish philosophers of culture are not subject to the pressure of pessimism and catastrophism. They predict and design the culture of the future, trying to determine the proper relationships between the elites and the masses. We can see this program of overcoming the crisis as the elites’ mission and the search for a new sense of culture. This search emphasizes a positive aspect of culture and a stronger relationship with life, also as regards the broad masses of the Polish community in the reborn country (the idea of socialization of culture).
PL
Autorzy podjęli próbę analizy stosunków etnopolitycznych na Ukrainie w okresie niepodległości. W artykule zwrócono również uwagę na przeszłość Ukrainy jako państwa polietnicznego. Omówione zostały specyficzne wady ustawodawstwa dotyczące wspólnot etnicznych. Autorzy stwierdzają, iż państwo powinno zminimalizować zagrożenia etnopolityczne wobec stabilności socjalnej. Kwestia ta winna posiadać pierwszeństwo wśród priorytetów etnopolityki
EN
The authors have tried to analyse the ethnolpolitical relations in Ukraine Turing the independence period. The Ukrainian past as a poly-ethnic country has been stressed. Specific flaws of legislation concerning ethnical communities have been discussed. The authors claim that the country should minimalise the ethno-political dangers towards the social stability. This issue should have priority among other ethno-political priorities
10
51%
PL
Potencjał kulturowy społeczeństwa jest wielowymiarowym zasobem obejmującym elementy materialne i niematerialne, m.in. zakorzenienie w kulturze i związane z nim orientacje mentalne, gotowość uczestnictwa w kulturze, łączące się z tym potrzeby i kompetencje, aktywność w różnych dziedzinach życia, wartości prorozwojowe. Szczególnym zasobem są kompetencje i moc wzorotwórcza elit. Innego typu elementy potencjału kulturowego to instytucje kultury wnoszące swój wkład w budowanie kapitału społecznego i kapitału kreatywności. Kolejnym jest szeroko rozumiane dziedzictwo kulturowe. Potencjał kulturowy jest tworzony przez działania jednostek, grup społecznych i instytucji funkcjonujących na różnych poziomach życia społecznego. Artykuł przedstawia koncepcję potencjału kulturowego społeczeństwa, defi niuje go, omawia jego rolę w procesach rozwoju, mechanizmy tworzenia i wzmacniania tego zasobu, wreszcie kwestie zarządzania nim.
EN
The cultural potential of society is a multidimensional resource that encompasses tangible and intangible elements, e.g. mental orientations rooted in culture, needs and competences in the sphere of cultural participation, and activities in other spheres of life, as well as pro-development values. A particular resource are competent elites able to create new patterns of behaviour. Another kind of cultural potential are cultural institutions that contribute to the creation of the social capital and the capital of creativity. Last but not least, there is cultural heritage. Th is potential is created by the actions of individuals, social groups, and institutions functioning on various levels of social life. Th e aim of this paper is to describe the idea of society’s cultural potential. It presents the defi nition of the cultural potential of society, its role in development processes, the issues of creating and strengthening this resource and of managing it.
EN
The article deals with the issue of an emerging European space of social inequality. It begins with a critical examination of prevalent and unquestioned views on national inequality and the tendency to ignore transnational inequality. The main section of the text identifies new groups that are part of the European inequality regime – among them European Union elites, transmigrants, and transfer groups – and new dimensions of structuration that can be attributed to the Europeanization process such as the marketization and regionalization of inequality. Based on this analysis, the article highlights possible shifts in social cleavages that may lead to a broader reconfiguration of societal conflict structures.
PL
Tekst analizuje wpływ II wojny światowej na więzi społeczne, normy, wartości i strukturę ówczesnego społeczeństwa polskiego. W części pierwszej omawia proces wojennej destrukcji, skupiając się na czterech jej głównych elementach: rozpadzie struktur społecznych, eksterminacji ludzi, brutalizacji życia codziennego i upadku norm. Część druga pokazuje, dlaczego powojenna odbudowa była tak trudna. Skupia się na takich kwestiach, jak: niepewność polityczna i poczucie fizycznego zagrożenia, przemoc na tle etnicznym i rabunkowym, bieda, ogólna demoralizacja i brak elit, a także trudności związane z adaptacją i zakorzenieniem się osób przesiedlonych. Tekst powstał na podstawie kwerendy w dokumentach osobistych z takich kolekcji, jak Archiwum Wschodnie, Archiwum Historii Mówionej, Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Biblioteka Narodowa, Ossolineum, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum oraz liczne źródła opublikowane.
EN
This text analyses the influence of the Second World War on the social bonds, values, and structure of postwar Polish society. In the first part, the author discusses the process of wartime destruction, focusing on four issues: the disintegration of social structures, the extermination of people, the brutalization of everyday life, and the destruction of values and standards. In the second part, the author shows why the postwar reconstruction was such an arduous process, focusing on such problems as political instability and feelings of physical danger, ethnic cleansing and criminal violence, poverty, general demoralization and lack of elites, and the difficulties caused by mass migrations and deportations. The text is based on extensive research in the ego-documents in such collections as the Eastern Archives, the Oral History Archives, the Jagiellonian Library, the National Library, Ossolineum, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and numerous published sources.
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