Armed forces and police in dysfunctional states of Sub-Saharan Africa are usually weak, both in terms of training, discipline, equipment and morale. The army is frequently dragged into political conflicts, especially as there is a rule that who controls armed forces has power, and the loss of control of the army is tantamount to the loss of power. A similar problem concerns the police, which is even more corrupt and dependent on political influence. The police is often more preoccupied with supporting the ruling party than with protection of the public order, and citizens associate it with forcing various types of bribes. The analysis of the relation between the weak statehood challenges and the condition of the armed forces and police presented in the article is a result of the author’s long-term research on dysfunctional states in Sub-Saharan Africa, based, inter alia, on the fieldwork conducted in more than twenty African states.
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The analysis of Ukraine’s dysfunction and dependence, both in national and international dimension, presents a clear picture that the dilemma of whether we are faced with a consolidation of a truly liberal democracy or its non-liberal (hybrid) variety, is still valid. Debates in political sciences are dominated by the view that independent Ukraine ought to be considered a specific case of the so-called “hybrid state”. Such countries are characterized by stagnation, corruption, and a dominant position of elites, who offer few benefits to the state and have little public support. In addition, the following are clearly visible in Ukraine: little representation of public interests by state institutions; little political involvement of the society and little social activity in between elections; no respect for regulations of the state under the rule of the law; little public legitimization in elections; little public trust in state institutions/the institution of the state; inadequate operation of the state in general. Therefore, the fact that transformation processes which have been emerging in Ukraine, ought not be considered linear, should be acknowledged. Consequently, describing the character of these processes in view of their complexity and multidimensionality seems more relevant.
Rok 2008 okazał się być znamienny dla społeczności międzynarodowej. Kryzys finansowy, który uwidocznił się na początku tego roku oraz intensyfikacja działań piratów morskich na wodach Oceanu Indyjskiego, spowodowały reakcje w celu ochrony interesów gospodarczych i ekonomicznych. Autorka w prezentowanym artykule odpowiada na pytanie jak społeczność międzynarodowa poradziła sobie ze zwalczaniem piractwa oraz pomocą dla Somalii, państwa, które jest źródłem zagrożenia piractwem. W konkluzji Autorka prezentuje pogląd, że prowadzone przez 10 lat działania antypirackie ograniczyły działalność piratów, ale programy pomocowe dla państwa i rządu somalijskiego nie przyniosły spodziewanych rezultatów. W związku z powyższym Autorka uważa, że operacje ograniczania piractwa w regionie wpiszą się na stałe w działalność w tym regionie, co z kolei pociąga regularne obciążenia finansowe dla państw i organizacji międzynarodowych.
EN
2008 proved to be significant for the international community. The financial crisis, which has highlighted at the beginning of that year and the intensification of the activities of maritime pirates at the Indian Ocean, have caused reactions in order to protect the economic interests. The Author in this article answers the question how the international community coped with the fight against piracy and help for Somalia, which is considered as the source of the threat of piracy. In the conclusion, the Author presents the view that 10 years of anti-piracy operations reduced pirates’ activities, but programs to support the Somali Government have not produced the expected results. In view of the above, the Author considers that operations against piracy in the region fits in the regular activities in the region, which in turn involves regular financial burden on States and international organizations.
The article entitled “The management of a dysfunctional states in the aspect of contemporary threats of illegal immigration” aims to determine what the so-called dysfunctional states are, indicating specific features and problems related to their management. This is all the more important because – according to the author – dysfunctional states are the beginning of contemporary problems in Europe and the world concerning, for example, terrorism or illegal immigration. The second part of the article points to the key threats to democratic states caused by illegal immigration, which results, among others, from improper management (lack of management) of dysfunctional states.
PL
Artykuł zatytułowany „Zarządzanie państwami dysfunkcyjnymi w aspekcie współczesnych zagrożeń związanych z nielegalną imigracją” ma na celu określenie, czym są tak zwane państwa dysfunkcyjne, wskazując na specyficzne cechy i problemy związane z procesem zarządzania nimi. Jest to tym ważniejsze, że – według autora – państwa dysfunkcyjne są początkiem współczesnych problemów w Europie i na świecie, dotyczących na przykład terroryzmu lub nielegalnej imigracji. Druga część artykułu wskazuje na kluczowe zagrożenia dla państw demokratycznych spowodowane nielegalną imigracją, wynikające m.in. z niewłaściwego zarządzania (braku zarządzania) państwami dysfunkcyjnymi.
Bad governance can very quickly ruin the economic situation of the whole country. However, in the conditions of the Western world, even though they can cause a lot of damage, more or less developed administrative apparatus is able to minimize the effects of bad decisions, and the society has a chance to rebuff the rulers in the next elections. In so-called dysfunctional states bad governance can damage an already weak country’s economy. In the reality of Sub-Saharan Africa we can divide the countries engulfed by a serious state dysfunctionality those which were already dysfunctional at the moment of their creation and those that in the period of gaining independence in the sixties of the 20th century were on the right track to build an efficient state. The first group includes: Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of Congo. The second consists of the countries which, as for the conditions of the Sub-Saharan Africa, coped quite well at the beginning of an independent statehood, and the infrastructure and administration left by the colonizers were in a relatively good shape. In this group we can place: Kenya and Zimbabwe. Nevertheless, among dysfunctional states the majority are ones which never step off this dysfunctionality. These are the countries in which bad governance is not only a bad president or a team of ministers, but also the entire state machinery – a corrupted, inefficient, and unprepared to act multitude of lower officials, as well the lack of the society’s thinking in the categories of state (which is not surprising in the society with tribal and clannish nature).
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