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1
Content available Przewidywanie przyszłości w religii germańskiej
100%
EN
The article discusses Germanic ideas and terminology about fate and predicting the future. The problem of prophetism in the history of the Germans is defined by two stages. The first is the “axial age” according to K. Jaspers. This is the time when the prophets known from the Old Testament begin their activity, when philosophy is born in Greece, and the question of fate and destiny matures among the “barbarian” peoples. The Germanic tribes used the achievements of the Celts in this regard. The ancient texts concerning the Germans speak mainly of divination, divinatory techniques. They are a typical interpretatio romana. The Germans did not know the beliefs related to the prophetic message or Providence. The second stage is Christian inspiration. Medieval records contain data on the relics of old epochs in the beliefs of the Germans. They talk about the gradual orientation of their divination interests towards the recognition of the judgments of Providence. This information is initially steeped in pagan heritage. Separating aspects of spirituality that knows prophetic institutions from pre-literate faith that trusts in divination is very complicated. In order to avoid the error of interpretatio christiana, one must carefully analyze the messages from the period of pagan conversion. Medieval information can then be useful to develop a model of providia specific to the ancient Germans.
EN
Divination reports are very important documentation for the study of the role and significance of ancient prophecy. They are also an invaluable source in the reconstruction of historical events. The object of this paper is to show how the reconstruction of the chronology and course of events based on divination reports, while using other texts written on clay tablets, becomes more complete and distinct.
3
Content available Wróżby i wyrocznie w starożytnym Ugarit
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EN
This article aims to present the methods of predicting the future practiced in ancient Ugarit. The most obvious way was divination in form of hepatoscopy, teratomancy and astrology. In addition, one could turn to the oracle of deceased ancestors. Since this method has no equivalent in the dominant Mesopotamian culture, it was presented in more detail along with the first Polish translation of the ritual addressed to Ditanu, the ancestor of the Ugarit dynasty.
EN
In the article I discuss the function of the prophetic signs in the Roman Religion. Signs (auguria, prodigia, omina) are one form of communication with the gods. The Romans dealt with the broad spectrum of signs related to public life. The prodigia for example indicate that peace with the gods has been disturbed. For special cases a collection of oracles written in Greek were consulted (the Sibylline books). Inspired and intuitive divination was mistrusted in Rome because it was uncontrollable.
EN
The practice of Obeah divination among people of African descent in the Americas has long been established to originate from West Africa. But the place of origin has remained a subject of speculation. The earliest speculated places of origin were the Akan and the neighbouring Popo. Most recent studies using demographic size and linguistic evidence have concluded that Obeah originated from among the Igbo of the Bight of Biafra in Nigeria. This paper disputes this conclusion and shows that demographic size is least relevant and the linguistic evidence is faulty. It then argues that in spite of the marginal role of Benin Kingdom, Obeah and its early practice are most likely derived from the Edo-speaking people of Benin Kingdom, Nigeria. It substantiates this with historical evidence and etymological inferences from the practice of slavery in the kingdom and its involvement in the Trans-Atlantic trade.
6
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EN
The power of women’s words in K.J. Erben’s balladsdiscusses the author’s literary texts (the collections  Písně and  Kytice),  in  which  the  woman  is  presented  as  a  permanent  character who is in the focus of significant conflict situations and moral problems. Women’s words have  a  broad spectrum  of  expression:  from  the  intimate  address  to  oneself,  through  the prayer, the blessing, the divination, and the imprecation, to the prophecy. Women’s words refer to a peculiar reflection of the collective memory and norm, but at the same time they bring the woman out of her anonymity, individualizing her in her own desires and intentions. 
7
Content available Przepowiednia w historii języka polskiego
75%
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tom 27
EN
The article analyzes 15th- and early 20th-century terms for divination and for people able to augur future. The material has been excerpted from all available lexicographic sources. It has been arranged with regard to images, relative to which lexical units are formed. The units oscillate around six thematic fields: (i) throwing the dice; (ii) divination dictated by the awareness of the sorcerer (the witch or the magus); (iii) divination based on visual sensations; (iv) divination based on speech acts; (v) divination based on dreams; (vi) the names of charlatans. The assignment of particular units to these categories is never arbitrary. The analysis reveals an increasing number of expressive names at the end of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. This probably results from the rising distrust of the magical portends and superstitions prevailing in 18th-century Europe.The predominating method in this study is an examination of contexts in which divination words appeared in the history of the Polish language. The semantic values of the lexemes has been determined on the basis of their use registered in historical dictionaries of Polish.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie nazwy przepowiedni oraz osób umiejących przewidzieć przeszłość, funkcjonujące w polszczyźnie w okresie od XV do początków XX wieku. Zgromadzony ze wszystkich dostępnych źródeł leksykograficznychmateriał uporządkowany został w nawiązaniu do obrazów, które były podstawa dla generowania jednostek leksykalnych. Okazało się, że nazwy te oscylowały wokół sześciu pól: 1. Rzucanie losów; 2. Przepowiednie dyktowane przez podświadomość wróżącego; 3. Przepowiednie oparte na doznaniach wzrokowych; 4. Przepowiednie oparte na nazwie aktu mowy; 5. Przepowiednie oparte na odczytywaniu przyszłości ze snów; 6. Nazwy szarlatanów. Przynależność poszczególnych jednostek do wydzielonych grup nigdy jednak nie była arbitralna.Badania pokazały również, że pod koniec XVIII i na początku XX wieku notowanych jest coraz więcej nazw ekspresywnych. Przyczyna tego zjawiska jest zapewne rosnąca nieufność względem przepowiedni i zabobonów, obserwowana w całej osiemnastowiecznej Europie.Metodą dominującą w niniejszym szkicu jest analiza kontekstów, w których występowały wyrazy należące do pola semantycznego PRZEPOWIEDNIA w historii języka polskiego. Na podstawie poświadczeń użycia danego wyrazu w słownikach rejestrujących polszczyznę dawną wnioskowano o jego wartości znaczeniowej w danym okresie.
EN
Divination was a salient characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. Divination was basedon the idea that to some extent the future is pre-determined; but that the gods, especiallyShamash and Adad (“Shamash, lord of the judgment, Adad, lord of the inspection”), havemade available to man certain indications of the future (omens and portents) in the worldaround him, which can be interpreted (divined) by experts with specialist knowledge. Ea,along with these two gods, was credited as one of the founders of divination. The future ascrystallized in the present was not considered by the Babylonians as solely a creation of thegods but as the result of a dialogue between man and god. The Mesopotamians believedthat the gods wrote the future into the universe, and that this is why the world could beread by those who were wise enough (certain priests and scholars). The organic body wasseen as a text. Specially prepared priests could explain the signs sent down by the gods(in Akkadian, the word pašāru means a multi-layered reading or decipherment of texts).Therefore, even if the gods founded divination, man played a vital role in the process andwas a vital link, a near equal and irreplaceable part of the process as a whole.
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2021
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tom 28
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nr 2
107-124
EN
The paper aims to investigate Polish lexis belonging to the semantic fields of DIVINATION and WITCHCRAFT. The material was excerpted from the 18th-century trilingual Nowy wielki dykcjonarz (New grand dictionary). The semantic fields under analysis were divided into subfields. In the case of DIVINATION, the subfields of DIVINATION PRACTISES and PEOPLE FORETELLING THE FUTURE were identified. In turn, WITCHCRAFT was subdivided into MAGICAL PRACTICES, PEOPLE PRACTISING MAGIC and EFFECTS OF MAGIC. The analysis of the retrieved material suggests that the number of individual lexemes is relatively small and usually polysemic, which appears to contradict the popularity and prevalence of divination and witchcraft in the 18th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as established by cultural historians. The supposed misrepresentation of the semantic fields under scrutiny may reflect the didactic nature of the Polish part of the dictionary.
PL
Divination was a salient characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. Divination was basedon the idea that to some extent the future is pre-determined; but that the gods, especiallyShamash and Adad (“Shamash, lord of the judgment, Adad, lord of the inspection”), havemade available to man certain indications of the future (omens and portents) in the worldaround him, which can be interpreted (divined) by experts with specialist knowledge. Ea,along with these two gods, was credited as one of the founders of divination. The future ascrystallized in the present was not considered by the Babylonians as solely a creation of thegods but as the result of a dialogue between man and god. The Mesopotamians believedthat the gods wrote the future into the universe, and that this is why the world could beread by those who were wise enough (certain priests and scholars). The organic body wasseen as a text. Specially prepared priests could explain the signs sent down by the gods(in Akkadian, the word pašāru means a multi-layered reading or decipherment of texts).Therefore, even if the gods founded divination, man played a vital role in the process andwas a vital link, a near equal and irreplaceable part of the process as a whole.
EN
This article investigates the place of lehuelas/sangomas in Basotho society, their vocation, work and relationship with Christian churches. Lethuelas, also called sangomas or shamans, are healers, diviners and/or mediums. Thanks to the country’s mountainous isolation, their vocation and work can be observed in its most primal and unspoilt version, passed down for generations without much influence of outside shamanic traditions or New Age forms of shamanism encountered in other Southern African countries. The article includes the data gathered during the field studies conducted in Lesotho in March 2013 and January 2019 in four regions: the capital city of Maseru (250 000 inhabitants), the Nazaretha/Roma region, the villages and tiny settlements in the western part of the Maloti Mountains, and the Butha-Buthe district in the north of the country.
12
63%
EN
The article deals with the question of where, in Mesopotamian terms, the possible border between divination and magic is. In ancient Mesopotamia, the notions of divination and magic intermingled because they both referred to one conceptual whole and represented one coherent world. Can we define the scope of these concepts and the boundaries between them? More specifically, was divination a magical practice for the Mesopotamians, or to what extent was divination likely magical? One of the earliest modern (1900 AC) works to discuss divination is entitled The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon, which suggests that Western scholars treat magic and astrology (one of the branches of divination) as being on the same level. A comparison of selected divinatory and magical texts serves as a canvas for further research and discussion.
13
63%
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tom 24
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nr 2
57-67
PL
Word anus was used in a primarily negative sense to describe an old woman. Anus is usually presented as a libidinous and hideous hag who indulges in strong wine or practices black magic, mainly for erotic purposes. Though Latin literature brings as well examples of a different type of anus: goddesses assuming the shape of old women to guide or deceive the mortals and old prophetic women, inspired by the gods. Anus can be gifted with divine powers and secret knowledge. The paper traces the motif of anus as a witch or a divine woman on the basis of selected examples from the works of Horace, Ovid, Petronius, Apuleius and Silius Italicus.
EN
In book VII of Strabo’s Geography there are passages about the religion of the ancient Germans. One of them mentions the name of the Chatti priest Libes. In two others, the customs of the Kimbrians are mentioned. The purpose of this article is to interpret the religious customs of these peoples, on the basis of which Strabo’s texts are created. In addition to historical data, linguistic and ethnological materials will be used in a comparative approach. A hypothesis will be presented that the considered texts of Strabo describe the Germanic religion subjected to strong Celtic influences. The following conditions were considered. In describing the religion of the Kimbrians, Strabo did not have to use Posidonius regarding them as Celts. Such an assumption results from the analysis of texts. Blood divination rituals are known to be a Celtic tradition, but they were performed by Druids. Among the Kimbrians, gray-haired soothsayers did it. The Gauls did not have women – priestesses. Meanwhile, among the Germans, women dealing in divination played an important role. The Germanic element in the activities of the Kimbrians is also the use of ritual stairs, which Strabo writes about. Archaeological and linguistic research proves the great influence of the Celts on the Germans. Probably Strabo, writing about the Kimbrians as a Germanic tribe, testified to such a process. Regardless of the ethnic identity of the Kimbrians, the picture of their customs given by Strabo is an important source for research on the religion of the Barbaricum peoples.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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tom 40
425-441
EN
The cult of saints is a significant aspect of the Paschal mystery. The cult practices concerning the saints mainly include the prayer and offerings. They are of religious and social dimensions. Integration of the rural parish community takes place through the common prayer at home, participation in liturgical services and performance of the deeds of love. Besides, customs, rites and folk beliefs point to the scope of the saints' cult. They are reflected in songs, prayers, proverbs, tales and legends.
EN
This article describes and interprets two divination rituals of the so-called small secondary funeral in the village of Kutuln. These relate to a bad death, which occurs when people die prematurely or inappropriately. Africans feel fear toward the dead who in life were bad people and those who died a bad death. The concept of a bad death for Africans presents their approach to life, the time of death and the moral evaluation of dead people, as a premature or unusual death is not accidental. A bad death explains the course of human life and has an impact on the burial of the deceased and his fate in the afterlife. Africans believe that those who die a bad death, do not leave the sphere of human life and do not pass into the land of their ancestors. People who die a bad death are deprived of a normal burial and extensive secondary funeral, and the living will never respect them and called upon them through prayers and sacrifices. Small secondary funerals among the Konkomba are limited to the divining rites, which last one day. The course of divination is similar in small and large secondary funerals. The initial phase of divination using 10 cowrie shells is decisive and important. During the long speech, Bingo, the main diviner or the master reveals and explains the causes of the bad death and propose preventive measures designed to remove ritual impurity and the propitiation of supernatural beings. The cause of death of the woman Mafimbi were quarrels and disagreements with her husband in the village of Bwana, caused by her lover Nbale. She would have happily married him, but her father did not agree to it. Her lover Nbale persuaded Mafimbi not to eat or drink in the home of her husband. The second case concerns the death of a nameless girl who died on the day of her birth because of quarreling parents: her father Bindifrim and her mother Ndodebu living in the village of Jinjinabi. Noteworthy is the attitude of dependence on help, during the divining rites, of the god Uwumbor, spirits of the Earth, clan protective spirits, gnome bush spirits, twin spirits, ancestor spirits, and especially spirits of dead diviners. Help from these supernatural beings is essential during the rites of divination, in order to properly explain the circumstances and causes of death of deceased persons. Divination by using three sticks as complementary only confirms the previously given causes of death. It should be noted that during these divining rites, small and large secondary funerals also have a didactic and moralistic dimension, because they teach people respect for tradition, preservation of social norms and moral order in the life of the individual and community.
EN
The subject of the article is a terminological reflection on the definition and interpretation of magic and witchcraft in the light of research by anthropologists and scholars of religion from the second half of the XIX c. to contemporary times. The views of evolutionists E. B. Tylor and J. G. Frazer, sociologists E. Durkheim, H. Hubert and M. Mauss, social anthropologist B. K. Malinowski, philosopher E. Cassirer and structuralist C. Lévi-Strauss are discussed. The principle criterion differentiating religion from magic is man referring to supernatural powers and beings. Practicing magic is socially approved of and has as its goal the good of an individual or social group. In the life of nonliterate peoples, religion and magic are united and that is why we speak of the religious-magical character of their beliefs, rituals and behaviour. Contemporary anthropologists and scholars of religion treat magic and religion as a field complementary and closely related with each other in the cultures of nonliterate peoples. Magic must be differentiated from witchcraft, whose goal is to conjure evil upon a person or community. E. E. Evans-Pritchard identified among the Azande people (southern Sudan) two types of wizardry: acquired sorcery which meant that the sorcerer consciously uses mixtures, spells and rites attempting to conjure evil and inborn witchcraft in which the witch based upon inherited psychic power unconsciously injures others by sending or activating a certain substance. This division is not universally applied in Africa, since inborn witchcraft appears much more rarely among African peoples than acquired sorcery. Faith in charms fulfils a cognitive, psychological, social, political and legal role. At the dawn of modern transformations in Africa, witchcraft is linked with jealousy, hidden aggression, social and economic inequality and the desire for power. On the one hand, Africanists stress the increase in witchcraft practices and a return to anti-witchcraft movements, and on the other hand, they draw attention to the fact that modernization and secularization related with it slowly contribute to lessening searching for explanations of misfortunes, illness and death in witchcraft beliefs.
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