This text considers the crisis in the context of its impact on development and disparities within structure of the European Union across various levels of its functions. The main objective of this work is to provide answers to the following questions: how many times has the European Union faced the crisis in the past; was the crisis an element that eventually strengthened or weakened the EU integration process; what decisions were made to fight the crisis; and to what extent was the crisis an element that led to disparities within the European Union? One of the goals is also to define the notion of crisis. The primary thesis of this text is a statement that crises, which affected the EU, contributed to differentiations of its policies. This is partially contrary to the concept of the European integration, developed in the 1950s, which assumed that the EU member states need to move forward at the same speed and as part of equal participation in the integration projects. Crises, however, contribute to disparities in the European integration.
The 2009 public debt crisis onset triggered a fundamental constitutional transformation of the European Union (EU). What is the link between this transformation and the enlargement policy? The authors of the article seek an answer to this question. The main thesis is that the method of impersonal authoritarianism in dealing with the Eurozone crisis spilled over into the EU enlargement policy. On the one hand, we consider the systemic reasons for turning the enlargement policy into an instrument of geopolitical control of the states on the outer periphery. On the other hand, the problem is considered from the point of view of Serbia’s interest as an EU membership candidate country. The authors conclude that opening space for innovation and flexibility in relations would be in the mutual interest of the EU and candidate countries. The analysis of the new enlargement policy reform proposal examines the readiness of European leaders to open the door for a new type of relations with the candidate countries that would correspond to today’s European reality of the historical interregnum.
Głównym celem artykułu jest opisanie zróżnicowanej integracji w polityce energetycznej UE, która dotyczy wyłączenia gazociągów Nord Stream 2 i OPAL spod prawa europejskiego, a dokładniej z tzw. Trzeciego Pakietu Energetycznego. Próba derogacji prawa UE w odniesieniu do tych gazociągów miała ogromne znaczenie gospodarcze i polityczne dla całej Europy Środkowej. Wpłynęło to również na modyfikację prawa unijnego, a tym samym miało konsekwencje systemowe dla całej UE. W niniejszym artykule przeanalizuję proces mający na celu odstępstwo od stosowania prawa europejskiego oraz jego konsekwencje. Ponadto postaram się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jakim stopniu dyskusja publiczna utrudniła możliwość wyłączenia spod prawa europejskiego gazociągów. Na koniec przejdę do wyjaśnienia powodów, dla których wyłączenie spod prawa Unii w rozpatrywanej sprawie nie powiodło się. Wydaje się to mieć duże znaczenie dla wyjaśnienia innych nieudanych prób dywersyfikacji integracji w ostatnich latach; może również pomóc w nakreśleniu, jakie ograniczenia istnieją dla samego procesu w przyszłości.
EN
The main purpose of the article is to describe differentiated integration in the EU energy policy which concerns the exemption of the Nord Stream 2 and OPAL pipelines from European law, and more precisely from the so-called Third Energy Package. The attempt to derogate EU law in relation to these pipelines in Germany was of great economic and political importance for Central Europe as a whole. It also affected the modification of EU law and thus had systemic consequences for the entire EU. In this article, I will analyse the process aimed at derogation from the application of European law and its consequences. Furthermore, I will try to answer the question to what extent the public discussion hindered the possibilities of exemption from European law. Finally, I will turn to clarifying the reasons why exclusion from EU law in the case under review has failed. This seems to be of great importance when explaining other failed attempts to diversify integration in recent years as well; it may also help delineate what limitations there are for the very process in the future.
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