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EN
The paper presents basic assumptions of the constitutions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, adopted during the existence of this state in the years 1917–1991. On the basis of fundamental ideas of the constitutions the author draws a picture of the so-called Soviet constitutionalism under volatile conditions arising from the pure revolutionary declared state to more classical form of political and legal system presented in the constitutional shape. The article concerns specific features of the Soviet constitutionalism, distinguishing it from regular constitutional models. To a lesser extent the paper concerns the difference between theory and practice of the “first state of workers and peasants” and the first “utopia in power”, as the Soviet state was described by the scholars of the field. In particular, the author emphasized evolution of legal nihilism, utopism, or a rule of exclusion of rights of certain citizens’ cathegories, imposed in the first Soviet constitution, and abolished, de iure, in 1936. On the other hand, however, the paper stressed the continuity of such issues as specific structure of the power of state, the common necessity of labour, or the legal possibility of dismissing the „parliamentary” representatives at any time. Also, the author underlines the question that, apart from the needs and the concept of the totality of power, the so-called Soviet constitutionalism was not able to create a new system of performance the power, and after collapse of the USSR, from the constitutional perspective it was rejected by enacting the new constitution, what happened in the former Soviet Union and in the countries of a similar political order.
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Content available remote Ocena konkordatu w dwadzieścia lat po jego podpisaniu
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EN
The article aims to evaluate the Polish concordat twenty years after its enactment. Author reconsiders the fact that at the same time two important discussions were held in Poland – one devoted to concordat and another to the constitution – and claims that they influenced each other. It is important to remember that the legal solutions adopted in the concordat (ratified only in 1998) contributed towards the final shape of the constitutional relations between state and the Church. Therefore the proper assessment of the Polish concordat should be conducted in light of the current constitution.
EN
The article constitutes an attempt to reconstruct presuppositions of respect for axiological foundations present in communications sent in legal language and understood at the directive level. The analysis focuses on the presuppositions which originate in the sphere of religion and relationships between communities of believers and the sovereign, who is the sender in the communication process. Juxtaposing communications sent in Polish and Russian legal language related to the constitution allows one to distinguish and name the presuppositions in question. Moreover, this makes it possible to address communication difficulties in translation which result from differences in the occurrence of presuppositions, differences which have impact on extensions of legal terms in these languages.
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Content available WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI
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EN
The aim of the article was to present the UW party’s assumptions of the political system of the country. A particular attention was paid to the principle of separation of powers and the need to maintain a balance between the legislative, administrative and judicatory power. The scope of the various authorities have been discussed, and specific solutions pointed at which, according to UW ideologues, may have contributed to their better functioning.
EN
A very important act reforming healthcare in Italy was the Act of 23 December 1978, which initiated devolution of competence in the matter of healthcare, with the transfer of administrative and legislative functions in this field to regions. As a result of this reform, Italy underwent a transfer from the insurance model of healthcare financing to the model of national healthcare service. Other changes concerning, first of all, the form of the regional state and broadening regional autonomy were introduced by the Constitutional Act No. 3 of 18 October 2001, amending Title V of the Constitution and concerning the status of regions, provinces and communes. As a result of these reforms, it is regions that currently represent the most important level of administration between the central government and communes. The main result of the process of federalism is how the regions were granted authority to allocate owned funds in the healthcare system in the manner that they consider most appropriate for funding basic levels of services (LEA) in their territory, as well as the management of the organization of healthcare in their local area in the way that meets the requirements of the population living there.
PL
Bardzo ważnym aktem reformującym opiekę zdrowotną we Włoszech była ustawa z dnia 23 grudnia 1978 roku, którą zapoczątkowano dewolucję kompetencji w materii ochrony zdrowia, z przekazaniem regionom funkcji administracyjnych i legislacyjnych w tym zakresie. W wyniku tej reformy Włochy przeszły od ubezpieczeniowego modelu finansowania opieki zdrowotnej do modelu narodowej służby zdrowia. Kolejne zmiany, dotyczące przede wszystkim formy państwa regionalnego i poszerzenia autonomii regionalnej wprowadzone zostały w drodze ustawy konstytucyjnej nr 3 z dnia 18 października 2001 roku, która zmieniała Tytuł V Konstytucji i dotyczącej statusu regionów, prowincji i gmin. W rezultacie przeprowadzonych reform to regiony obecnie stanowią najważniejszy szczebel administracji pomiędzy rządem centralnym a gminami. Zasadniczym efektem procesu federalizmu jest przyznanie regionom kompetencji do alokacji posiadanych przez nie środków na opiekę zdrowotną w taki sposób jaki ich zdaniem jest najbardziej odpowiedni dla finansowania podstawowych poziomów świadczeń na ich terytorium, a także zarządzanie organizacją ochrony zdrowia na własnym terenie w sposób który odpowiada wymogom zamieszkującej je zbiorowości.
EN
Due to the loss of legal validity of the regulation, the Constitutional Tribunal discontinued the proceedings on the motion by the President of the Supreme Audit Office to examine the compliance – with Article 2, Article 5 and Article 31 (3) of the Constitution of Poland – of Article 83 (3) of the Act of 16th April 2004 on nature protection in the scope in which the consent to fell a roadside tree depended on replacing it with other trees or bushes, with the number of the latter being not lower that the number of felling trees. According to the President of NIK, this regulation contravened the following constitutional principles: sufficient definition of the law stemming from the principle of a democratic state of law; sustainable development; proportion. Taking into account the concern of the President of NIK for the life and health of road users and the state authorities’ obligation to provide protection of the environment, in the situation when subsequent amendments to the Act on nature protection did not solve the issue of roadside trees, the author presents the charges included in the motion to the Constitutional Tribunal, and he attempts to assess their legitimacy.
EN
Human life has the highest possible value and is particular interest to various branches of law. It allows the unit to use other civil rights and civic freedom. In this article authoress analyses the level of the protection of human life through the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and regulations of the international law with emphasis on the issue of the beginning of the legal protection of human life. In order to thoroughly analyse the legal regulations the authoress uses numerous examples of the case-law. The research purpose of the article is to show the complexity of the problem of the beginning of the legal protection of human life and the lack of the conclusive verdict of the supranational jurisdictional bodies in this matter.
EN
The right to life occupies a very notable place not only in Poland’s Constitution, but also in international treaties that are binding upon Poland. The previous constitutions either did not include this right or placed it in their final sections. Chapter II of the Constitution (which formulates the right to life) also occupies a very important place in the hierarchy of constitutional norms. There is no doubt that this high position of the right to life, both in Poland’s constitution and in international treaties which are binding on Poland, is not accidental. Of all the rights listed in the catalogue of human rights, this right holds a supreme position. No state can guarantee other rights without effectively implementing and assuring that its observance. The right to life is a non-derogated element of respect for human dignity and freedom. It appears that the regulation of this fundamental right by Poland’s Constitution results from the compromise between Catholics, who support protection of life from the moment of conception, and atheists, who prefer using more general terms in such legal acts. As has been rightly observed, “when comparing the provision of art. 38 of Poland’s Constitution to the international standards of protection of human rights that are binding on Poland, one notices that the Polish legislator has decided to legally protect the life of every person, whereas the international treaties formulate the requirement of protection of the right to life. This apparently minute difference has significant consequences with regards to the positive duties of the state and, in this sense, the Polish solution imposes higher standards of protection on the Polish state. Such phrasing of the standard imposes not only the duty to protect all people from arbitrary deprivation of life by organs of the state, but also the duty to maintain appropriate policies regarding the protection of human life in all areas where it is exposed to real dangers. Compared to the normative approach to this right in the constitutions of many European countries, the regulation of the right to life in Poland's constitution undoubtedly constitutes a modern outlook on the problem of individual rights. The Polish regulation of the right to life not only meets international standards of protection of human rights, but assures better protection of this fundamental right.
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2013
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tom 6(14)
83-92
DE
Der Artikel betrifft ein in der Geschichte des Konstitutionalismus kaum erforschtes Thema. Man schildert den Prozess der Entstehung und des Untergangs von der sog. Ersten Republik in den Jahren 1810—1816. Der Verfasser betont die Bedeutung des für damaligen Zeitraum kennzeichnenden Föderationsgeistes und erläutert den durch die traditionelle Historiografie hervorgehobenen nationalen Ausmaß und den Vereinigungsausmaß des Prozesses.
XX
Autor artykułu analizuje jedną z najmniej zbadanych kwestii w historii ustroju Kolumbii, mianowicie proces tworzenia i upadku tzw. Pierwszej Republiki w latach 1810—1816. Podkreśla znaczenie ducha federacji, charakterystycznego dla tych przemian, i demistyfikuje twierdzenia tradycyjnej historiografii o ściśle narodowym i unitarnym podłożu tego procesu.
EN
The politicians of the Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (PPS) believed that the adoption of the Constitution was one of the most important and the most urgent tasks of the Polish Seym (Polish Parliament) elected on 19 January, 1947. Immediately, in the spring of that year, the authorities of the PPS started the inner-PPS works to get ready the party’s politicians for the constitutional debate and to help them to develope a position on important issues of the future of the Polish political system. The party officials asked the theorists of the constitutional law and the practitioners dealing with the social and state problems to prepare elaboration concerning chosen political issues which were part of their interests. Konstanty Grzybowski and Michał Szuldenfrei wrote articles about freedom of founding and functioning of political parties which had key importance in regard to the system existence. The authors of both texts supported the constitutional regulation of the status of political parties what was not positively accepted among the contemporary liberal groups. Both Grzybowski and Szuldenfrei believed that in the situation in Poland in 1947, which was a transitional period characterized by the existence of strong antisystemic opposition, it was necessary to regulate political parties and restrict the freedom of their founding and functioning.
11
Content available remote The Concept of the Nation in the Fundamental Law of Hungary
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EN
The paper introduces the national aspects of the new Hungarian constitution. We find direct references to the “Hungarian nation” in the text of the Fundamental Law of Hungary, and these references reveal the concept of the nation of the constitution‑making? political majority. This concept is rather controversial and is widely debated in political and also in scientific discussions. I examine the problematic issues around the concept of the nation, which are the following: Is the concept of the nation clear? Does it imply the “cultural” or the “political”/“democratic” notion of the nation? What is the situation of the nationalities living in Hungary? What is the situation of the Hungarians living beyond the borders of Hungary? This paper intends to contribute to the discussion on the values of the new constitution of Hungary.
12
Content available remote Somatotype of Top-Level Serbian Rhythmic Gymnasts
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EN
Body size and build influence performance in many sports, especially in those belonging to the group of female aesthetic sports (rhythmic gymnastics, artistic gymnastics, and figure skating). These sports pose high specific demands upon the functional, energy, motor and psychological capacities of athletes, but also upon the size, body build and composition of the performers, particularly of the top-level female athletes. The study of the top athletes (rhythmic gymnasts, in this case) may provide valuable information on the morphological requirements for achieving success in this sport. Therefore, the main objective of this research was to analyze the somatotype of 40 Serbian top-level rhythmic gymnasts, aged 13.04±2.79, and to form the five age group categories. The anthropometric variables included body height, body mass, the selected diameters, girths and skinfolds, and the Heath-Carter anthropometric somatotype. All of the anthropometric data were collected according to International Biological Programme, and then processed in the Somatotype 1.2. The applied analysis of variance indicated an increase in endomorphic component with age. The obtained results show that the balanced ectomorph is a dominant somatotype, being similar for all of the athletes that took part in the research (3.54-3.24-4.5). These results are in line with the ones obtained in previous studies.
13
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EN
The aim of this paper is to present the theories of the formation of political systems (rational choice theory, path dependence, impartial ideas and diffusion/import theory) and judge their applicability on the case of the Czech constitution and suggest the possibilities of research and its limitations. The Constitution and electoral system as well are still political issue in the Czech Republic. For long time there have been debates about possible changes of the position of the president, the importance of the Senate and the change of the electoral system. These debates gained further importance after the adoption of the direct election of the president. Therefore it is important first to explain how the Constitution and electoral system were made, what factors and motives played role in the creation of these systems before we might be thinking about the change.
EN
The article examines the main state-building acts adopted by the highest authorities of Ukraine and the Baltic states starting from 1990 (as a result of the first free election of deputies of these republics in the post-war period) and until 2004 (when significant changes took place in the internal political and geopolitical context, in particular – the accession of the Baltic states to NATO and the EU, as well as changes in the form of government in Ukraine in amendments to the Constitution as a result of the so-called «Orange Revolution»). The article reflects not only the legal part of the specified period, but also the institutional part, in particular, in the part of the formation of both legislative and executive power in the specified countries. The interaction of political, regulatory and historical components in this article forms a holistic vision of state-building processes in their synergistic unity. The purpose of the study is to conduct a chronological comparison of the main statebuilding acts of Ukraine and the Baltic countries in the period from 1990 to 2004. The methodological basis is a chronological comparison of the normative framework of countries in the context of the processes of state formation. It was determined that the parliaments of these countries, which were elected in the spring of 1990, immediately began to fight for their sovereignty and set a course for separation from the union center. The August 1991 putsch in Moscow became the «trigger mechanism» in the declaration of independence of the Baltic states and Ukraine. From that time, these countries began to build their states independently, in particular in the political and legal sphere. First, there is a change in the name of the state itself and its parliament (getting rid of the Soviet one) at the legislative level, as well as the complete subordination of power structures and other authorities exclusively to republican structures. Subsequently, the main state symbols (flag, coat of arms and anthem), constitutions are adopted, the course of states towards a market economy through the denationalization of property and privatization is introduced, each has its own currency, property is divided with other republics, international treaties and agreements are adopted, and countries The Baltics (but not Ukraine) manage to completely get rid of Russian troops from their territory through complex diplomatic efforts. The latter also contributed to the fact that the Baltic countries, having immediately taken a course towards the West, later became full members of NATO and the EU. During this period, Ukraine only decided on its geopolitical vector, that it intends to join these international associations in the future.
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2009
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tom R. 13, nr 5
235-236
EN
The article indicates a constitutional fixation of the principle and concept of sustainable development (article 5, 20 and 30 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland) and the significance of these provisions for the science and the education process. Nevertheless, when doing science and education in practice, these provisions are frequently neglected and ignored. The consequences however have not been subject of evaluation from the viewpoint of complying with the Constitution.
EN
Civil society is the term being in the interest of many branches of science. Through centuries in different legal and social systems the above-mentioned term has been named as: koinōnia politīke, societas civilis, civil society or bürgerliche Gesellschaft. The idea of civil society was and still is a basic condition for the democracy model and for the organization of community life in contemporary societies. In many modern perspectives on the civil society there is a common denominator unrelated to the legal capacity of the state. From that background the crucial question to be posed is about the place of an individual in the functioning of civil society and it should be related to communitarian and liberal conceptions of an individual which takes part in an ontological foundation of society. According to the normative analysis, the idea of the civil society is present in the legal systems of democratic states including developing democracies of the Central and Eastern Europe. The subject matter theory finds that the idea of civil society entirely gains in value only when related to the principle of subsidiarity. It assumes primacy, independence and autonomy of an individual in meeting his needs before the needs of social communities, especially before the needs of the state as the “highest being”. Thus in an active democracy a great importance is placed on the development of the so-called third sector, right to associate, non-discrimination, political pluralism, functioning of associations supporting activities of an individual in the public space.
EN
The constitutional control of laws by public courts and the Supreme Court is an issue to be discussed especially in terms of the doctrine and judicial decisions in judiciary independence and the principle of the direct use of the Constitution. It is also important to analyse this problem from the perspective of regulations describing legal questions addressed to the Constitutional Tribunal. The acceptable is position which obliged the public courts to address the legal questions to the Constitutional Tribunal where statutes do not accord with the constitution. De lege ferenda is necessary in proposing modification of the content of art. 193 of the Constitution by changing the word “can” to a regulation describing the clear obligation of public courts to present a question of law to the Constitutional Tribunal as to the conformity of a normative act with the constitution, ratified international agreements or statute if the answer to the question of law will decide the case pending before the court.
18
Content available remote Husserlovo absolutní vědomí
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EN
The article focuses on Husserl’s move from descriptive psychology to transcendental phenomenology, and it attempts to explain what that move to transcendentalism means and what it consists in. It is argued that Husserl’s step does not amount to a wilful turn, or a one-off metaphysical decision, but rather to a systematic thinking-through, and deepening, of the original “psychological” position. The focus on the concept of absolute consciousness at the same time attempts to show that Husserl’s transcendentalism is in no way solipsism, but rather that it involves a committing to the absolute claim of demonstrative self-evidence, which Husserl thinks should be the main theme of all theoretical endeavour.
EN
The catalogue of Poland’s most important system founding rules have been included in Chapter 1 of the Polish Constitution. However, the location of a given law does not determine its power. Yet it can lead to certain conclusions about its legal meaning. These norms are usually defined succinctly; therefore, it may be necessary to refer to other articles of the Constitution, especially to Article 14, which conveys the rule of the freedom of media. The role of this freedom is influenced mainly by its connection with the freedom of speech rule. It is usually emphasized in connection with realizing the principle of civil society and the rule of political pluralism on which it is based. Article 14 of the Constitution formulates a general guarantee, while further rules can be found in the chapters about the rights and freedoms of an individual (Art. 54), their extension in the press law, while the status of the radio and television is subject to special regulations (mainly the Broadcasting Act). Article 14 also involves the rights and freedoms of a human and a citizen. The basis is Article 5, while Article 14 is one of the co-defining norms. Expressing certain common values, the mentioned rule forms constitutional boundaries, within which the process of constituting the law takes place, as well as being the source of the obligation on the part of the whole state apparatus to implement the constitutional norms.
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2017
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nr 7
87-101
PL
Rozważania zawarte w artykule dotyczą konstytucyjnych uwarunkowań sądowej kontroli administracji publicznej. Zostały opisane konstytucyjne rozwiązania przyjęte przez takie kraje jak Austria, Niemcy i Polska. W artykule przedstawione są kwestie związane z rozwojem i funkcjonowaniem sądownictwa administracyjnego we wspomnianych krajach. Szczególna uwaga poświęcona jest nowelizacji Konstytucji Austrii, która weszła w życie w dniu 1 stycznia 2014 roku, w ramach której stworzono dwuinstancyjne sądownictwo administracyjne i wyposażono austriackie sądy w szerokie kompetencje do merytorycznego orzekania. W artykule omówiono także kwestię zgodności rozwiązań przyjętych w Ustawie o zmianie ustawy prawo o postępowaniu przed sądami administracyjnymi z dnia 9 kwietnia 2015 roku z Konstytucją RP. Zmiany te w swoich założeniach wpisują się w trend rozszerzania merytorycznych uprawnień orzeczniczych sądów administracyjnych. W treści artykułu zwrócono także uwagę na problem związany ze skutecznością sądowoadministracyjnej kontroli działań administracji publicznej.
EN
The subject matter of the article is the constitutional conditions of judicial review of public administration. Constitutional solutions chosen by countries like Austria, Germany and Poland are discussed. The article presents issues related to the development and functioning of the administrative judiciary in these countries. Particular attention is paid to the amendment of the Constitution of Austria which entered into force on 1st January 2014, and which introduced two-instance administrative judiciary and provided Austrian courts with broad competences for substantive adjudication. Also discussed in the article is the issue of the compatibility of the solutions adopted in the amendment to the Law on Proceedings before Administrative Courts of April 9, 2015, with the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. These changes follow the trend of broadening the authorization of the administrative courts for substantive judgment. Finally, attention is devoted to the problem of the effectiveness of the judicial control of the operation of the public administration authorities.
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