The current situation in Northern Africa and the Middle East has caused a large-scale influx of illegal refugees to Europe which the European Union was not prepared for. Lampedusa Island was in that context recognized as a humanitarian disaster. The costs related to dealing with the dynamic waves of migrants would significantly destabilize the economic equilibrium of most EU member countries. In order to contain the illegal migration, public funds were administered to the regions mostly affected by the phenomenon, and the external borders protection was strengthened. A significant role in safeguarding the EU borders was played by FRONTEX that applied proportionate power and means in areas that were most affected by the phenomenon. Poland, at the time leading the EU presidency, provided support to countries in need, as it could draw from its rich past experience in the matter. The country also proposed several legislative changes concerning migration policy, the aim of which was to enhance and unify European Union's solutions in this field.
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The aim of this article is to present Poland’s role in the creation of the European Union's external security. Poland supports the Eastern Partnership countries such as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The theory of international roles allows evaluating the international activity of Poland and the European Union in the eastern neighborhood. The best-known international roles are the following: the expected role (elected or imposed), the declared one and the implemented one. Polish security in the EU depends on the stability of the eastern neighborhood and it is important to support reforms in these countries, as well as their integration into Euro-Atlantic structures.
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The European Union is undergoing a period of “difficult growing up”. Many factors contribute to it. The two most significant ones are the following: developing a most important endeavour, commonly called “going deeply and enlarging”; counteracting the effects of Iraq war which became the catalyst of relations between the UN Security Council members and the transatlantic countries, in particular between the NATO and EU members and candidates. Somebody has put it right that if Saddam Hussain had managed by provoking the war to unable achieving the mentioned above endeavours, he could have acknowledged that he reached his goal. Fortunately we have almost overcome these antagonisms. Many facts prove it, among others the UN Security Council decision of 21 May 2003 granting wide authorities to the United States and Great Britain as the powers that occupy Iraq and have the right to manage its crude oil resources. A similar decision was also taken by NATO Council that stated that NATO military authorities are promptly to advise Poland which requested to support our stabilisation forces activities' in Iraq. The American ambassador in NATO structures said that “today's resolution, i.e. univocal decision (France and Germany including), proves overcoming the divisions in NATO and the EU”. Taking this in consideration and as in the proverb saying “Forewarned is forearmed”, I think it is worth reminding the basic European Union’s principles in order to take into account the fact that our country as the EU candidate which is also in “difficult growing up” period, could overcome the difficulties more easily.
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The article presents one of the most important CSCE/OSCE functions undertaken in the last 15 years in the area of developing and implementing crisis prevention and conflict resolution instruments. Military security mechanisms have been concisely defined, i.e. the La Veletta mechanism (for peaceful conflict resolution), the Vienna mechanism (for responding to crisis situation) and the Berlin mechanism (for consultations and cooperation in emergency situations). The mechanisms for the OSCE “human dimension" - the Vienna mechanism for “human dimension”, the Moscow mechanism and the CSCE “human dimension" in the 1992 Helsinki Document have been discussed. The problems of OSCE missions called to resolve particular conflicts e.g. in Moldova, Georgia, Macedonia and Kosovo have been widely described. The philosophy of the OSCE missions functioning, their organisational and essential bases as well as their role in the conflict areas have been presented. Basing on the Charter on European Security, the principal mandatory tasks of OSCE missions in conflict areas have been listed.
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The history of the European Union development, presented in the article, terrorists attacks, which 9.11 is the symbol of when Al Qaeda attacked New York and Washington, but also different events taking place on our continent, particularly a massive murder in four commuter trains heading for Madrid during the morning rush hour on 11 March, 2005, force s to intensify activities for European security. In the Madrid attack 13 bombs, hidden in backpacks, were detonated. However, they were programmed to explode during the rescue operation. 202 people were killed (4 Poles), 1427 wounded, 9 Poles including. During the last fifty years, in consequence of political, economic and military situation, the EU developed into an economic superpower and is developing in other fields, in particular in political and military areas. It is going to become unequal partner of the United States and Canada within NATO. The EU current policy of enlargement and deepening encourages it. The European Foreign and Security Policy, Common Security and Defence Policy and European Security Strategies have been approved. The European Constitution is likely to be adopted soon. On 1 May, 10 new countries will join and the EU will come up to 25 members. Thus it will cover the area between the Atlantic Ocean, the Norwegian, Baltic, Black and Mediterranean Seas. It has to be recognised as a qualitative step in the EU development.
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It is worth recalling that NATO was not the only piece of security architecture erected in the immediate post-war period. But it was certainly the most enduring. The question is whether it should now be allowed to wither away or whether NA TO is sufficiently flexible that it can provide the institutional architecture to respond to the varying security threats of2006 and beyond. We are used to state-to-state threats. It is what more of our defence posture is designed to deter and repel. In recent years we have been growingly used to asymmetric threats such as terrorism and are learning to confront it at home and abroad. In the future we will have to get used to the new strategic challenges that exist, such as energy security, where fossil fuels will be used as weapons to achieve political and strategic ends. The management now requires a balancing of soft and hard power, and they must act in concert. One of the great challenges for NATO today is how an alliance, which is stepped in its military identity, can influence a world where the deployment of soft power is as crucial as that of military might.
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The author in his article presents the European Union from the perspective of reaching beyond the formal-legislative limits as far as the executiion of the Common Foreign and Security Policy towards Eastern Europe and Asia is concerned. He argues that the EU is Russia’s main trade partner, while Ukraine, Moldova and most of the countries of the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia have signed separate contracts including trade, political cooperation, environmental protection and co-operation in the area of science and culture. The author also shows strategic development of the Caucasus bordering with Russia, Turkey and Iran. This region is in the public focus due to its natural resources and Russia’s endeavours to regain exclusive geopolitical domination. The author emphasizes that the rivalry aiming to get control of these resources will have an important influence on the geopolitical landscape of Eurasia as well as the evolution of internal and international politics of such countries like Russia, China, Turkey and Iran. The geopolitical meaning of the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia will increase in the perspective of 10-15 years. With the accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 (and eventually Turkey) to the EU, the Southern Caucasus will become a part of wider Europe. The author emphasizes that China and India decided to use “Galileo”, the satellite navigation system of the EU, which is an interesting signal, confirming that these countries strive for closer relations with the EU, reaching above pure trade issues.
The purpose of this article is to explain what is the Permanent Structure Cooperation Mechanism - PESCO and to assess its impact on the improvement of security and defence capabilities of the European Union, taking into account the following criteria: time - understood as a justification of the advisability of the actions undertaken in the perspective of the coming years, space - understood as an area in which a given solution will be applied, legal possibilities of enforcement of the undertaken commitments and the impact of the internal policies of the states on their fulfilment.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie, czym jest Mechanizm Stałej Współpracy Strukturalnej - PESCO oraz dokonanie oceny jego wpływu na poprawę stanu bezpieczeństwa i rozwój zdolności obronnych Unii Europejskiej, biorąc pod uwagę kryteria: czasu - rozumianego jako uzasadnienie celowości podjętych działań w perspektywie najbliższych lat, przestrzeni - rozumianej jako obszar, na którym dane rozwiązanie będzie mieć zastosowanie, prawnych możliwości egzekwowania podjętych zobowiązań oraz wpływu polityki wewnętrznej państw na ich wypełnianie.
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