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nr 2(28)
297-319
EN
The purpose of the article is to compare the republican rhetoric of the American anti‑federalists and the Polish noble (the szlachta’s) republicans from the turn of the 80’s and 90’s of the Eighteenth Century (the time of the Polish Four Years Seym in 1788‑1792 and the American constitutional debates in 1787‑1790). It turns out that both such wide apart groups, representing different social backgrounds and viewpoints could use surprisingly similar methods of political argumentation. To that end the author cites the voices of numerous American and Polish pamphleteers, such as – above all – “Centinel”, “Philadeplphiensis”, “Farmer”, “Cato”, Patrick Henry and Adam Rzewuski, Wojciech Turski, Seweryn Rzewuski, Leonard Olizar and Dyzma Bończa Tomaszewski. The main resemblance of reasoning may be found in the way they warned against monarchy or despotism. Revealing a typical republican obsession of losing liberty, they were prone to identify those threats in almost every effort to strengthen a central government. Interestingly, both American and Polish critics of the reforms refused to accept that such an “energetic” or “active” government is absolutely necessary in order to avoid anarchy and resist foreign invasions. In that respect they believed (in Poland being even inspired by Rousseau) that the true republic can be only built on the virtues of fellow‑citizens – the love of liberty, civic brotherhood and patriotism. To revive those ideals, they eagerly recalled the legends of the ancient republican heroes. Whereas, to oppose the constitutional values of the reformers they were often (mainly in America) setting the example of contemporary Switzerland. Due to the proposed comparison one can easily come to the conclusion that republicanism was a doctrine of a considerably wide range of application possibilities. It is not surprising that in spite of the fact that the American authors were generally democrats, sometimes even of the most radical provenience, whereas the Polish noble republicans were frequently the opponents of the social reforms (with some exceptions), both of them were truly convinced they are almost the last defenders of the republic, liberty and – symptomatically enough – civic equality.
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