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EN
This article outlines several techniques for analyzing panel data with a dichotomous dependent variable. This presentation is inspired by the classic work of Paul Allison [1999]. An example analysis is presented where public attitudes toward restitution of church property in the Czech Republic is explored using panel data. Here the focus is on exploring changes in the intra-personal agenda of respondents on this specific issue. There are three main conclusions from this research: (1) media exposure and (2) the education level of the respondent increase the odds of the church restitution issue being mentioned by a respondent as being important, and (3) mention of the church restitution issue in a particular wave of the panel survey is negatively associated with mention of this issue in later waves of the panel study examined. These findings are discussed in terms of their methodological and substantive implications.
EN
The aim of this study is to explore the sources of attitude constraints regarding the role of government in the economy, and to find out whether the sources of these constraints are the same as in Western democracies. Use is made of Converse’s approach to conceptualize attitude constraint where an individual’s belief system is seen to be a configuration of attitudes and values characterized by a functional interdependence, or constraint. This constraint may be interpreted in terms of the probability of being able to predict one attitude having knowledge of another. In this study, there is a review of the sources of attitude constraint and related measurement issues. Using ISSP 2006 (Role of Government module) an analysis of attitudinal constraints is presented using two attitudinal scales. This research confirms that the sources of attitude constraint in the Czech Republic are similar to those observed in Western Europe and the USA. Specifically, class, education, and other social-demographic variables are shown to have very limited effects. Moreover, Converse’s contention that attitude constraints are strongly determined by political involvement, political knowledge, or party identification is also shown to be valid for Czech society.
EN
The aim of this article is to present a trend in research on measurement error in survey data and to suggest some problematic aspects of this approach. The article describes the Multitrait Multimethod experimental design and its modifi cation into a 2 Split-ballot Multitrait Multimethod (2 SB MTMM), which is used for experimental data collection in the European Social Survey. The text shows how to analyze 2 SB MTMM data to obtain estimates of construct validity, reliability and common method variance for a single questionnaire item, and how to make use of these estimates. It also points to some problems encountered in 2 SB MTMM data analysis.
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Content available remote Rozvod a změny sňatkových reprodukčních strategií
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EN
istorically speaking divorce is a relatively recent phenomenon. Divorce has become more important over the last century and has undoubtedly had an impact on the social reproduction strategies typically linked to marriage. In this paper use is made of the concept of Assortative Mating to explore if initial and subsequent marriage partner choices differ on the basis of heterogamy. This research question is formulated in terms of two contrasting hypotheses: (1) the learning and (2) the marriage market hypotheses (Gelissen 2004). These two perspectives form the basis of the theoretical framework used in the empirical analyses reported. Here logistic and linear regression and log-linear modelling techniques are used. The data used to test the learning and marriage market hypotheses contains information on all officially recorded marriages in the Czech Republic over a ten year period (1994-2004) gathered by the Czech Statistical Office. The results presented reveal that divorce changes the socially reproductive aspects of marriage choice strategies, and these changes vary systematically on the basis of gender. Whereas first and subsequent marriage choices are very similar for men, repeated marriage choices for women are on the whole more diverse. A number of explanations explaining this gender based difference are presented. These explanations centre on dissimilarities in the context of repeated choices for men and women.
EN
This article explores how aggregate level data may be used to make inferences about individual level behaviour. A common strategy in the past was to assume that the relations evident in aggregated data are also present in individual data. Analysis of datasets where there is both individual and aggregated information demonstrates that this assumption is most often incorrect. This means that the relationships observed between variables at an aggregated level are unlikely to be observed in individual level data. This is a problem because quite often social scientists only have aggregated data for exploring individual level behaviour. A key question explored in this article is how is it possible to validly and reliably use aggregated datasets to make inferences about relationships between variables at the individual level. An example analysis is given using electoral data from the Czech Republic.
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Content available remote Měření politických znalostí
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EN
This article examines ways to measure political knowledge. The main premise of most works in a given field is the idea that political knowledge is a characteristic that belongs only to individuals. The research on which this text is based assumes that political knowledge is a characteristic of both individuals and ways of measuring that knowledge. The analyzes are based on a battery of questions on political knowledge, which was implemented in the ISSP survey The Role of Government IV (2006). This article demonstrates that the assumption of one-dimensionality of political knowledge must not be taken for granted and must be tested. The presence of more than one dimension of political knowledge is theoretically important, as it implies that some citizens are only interested in specific aspects of politics. This has important implications for our understanding and evaluation of the democratic system of government.
CS
Tento článek zkoumá způsoby měření politických znalostí. Hlavním předpokladem většiny prací v daném oboru je myšlenka, že politické znalosti jsou charakteristikou, která náleží pouze jedinci. Výzkum, na němž je založen tento text, předpokládá, že politické znalosti jsou charakteristikou jak jedinců, tak způsobů měření těchto znalostí. Analýzy jsou založené na baterii otázek na politické znalosti, jež byla implementována v šetření ISSP Role vlády IV (2006). Tento článek demonstruje, že předpoklad jednodimenzionality politických znalostí nesmí být chápán jako daný a musí být naopak testován. Přítomnost více než jedné dimenze politických znalostí je teoreticky důležitá, neboť implikuje, že někteří občané se zajímají pouze o specifické aspekty politiky. To má významné důsledky pro naše chápání a hodnocení demokratického systému vládnutí.
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Content available remote Jak měřit bezmocnost: předběžné výsledky
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EN
The paper deals with powerlessness as one of the possible meanings of alienation, and presents Neal’s Powerlessness Scale as a means for measuring this concept. The aim of this research is to find out if it is possible to adopt the Neal’s research technique, developed in the context of the American culture in the late 1950s, to empirical sociological research in the Czech Republic. This issue is important because there is at present no standard attitudinal instrument for measuring a persons’ perception of their power to exert influence over socio-political events. An initial test of the reliability and internal and external validity of Neal’s scale is undertaken using a non-representative sample of the Czech population. Results of this quantitative analysis suggest that a subset of nine items from the original twelve item scale is the most reliable and valid measure of a person’s sense of control over the socio-political events within the Czech cultural milieu. Importantly, the process of data collection reveals several problematic features of Neal’s powerlessness scale, and it is recommended that certain alterations before its further use in the Czech context.
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Content available remote Co všechno znamená NESSTAR?
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EN
This text is a comprehensive introduction to the NESSTAR system. It is intended primarily for (potential) users of this software package, designed for publishing, searching and analyzing data on the web. The introductory part describes the origin of this program, its individual parts and also the possibilities it offers to producers and data depositories. In the second part, Nesstar is introduced as a tool for online data search and analysis. It is also a user manual, which should show the way to sociological data on the Internet.
CS
Tento text představuje komplexní úvod k systému NESSTAR. Je určen především (potenciálním) uživatelům tohoto programového balíku, určeného pro publikování, prohledávání a analýzu dat na webu. V úvodní části je popsán vznik tohoto programu, jeho jednotlivé části a také možnosti, které nabízí producentům a depozitorům dat. V druhé části je pak Nesstar představen jako nástroj pro on-line prohledávání a analýzu dat. Jde současně o uživatelský manuál, který by měl ukázat cestu k sociologickým datům na internetu.
EN
The increased influx of refugees and migrants to the EU in 2015 has been followed by a noticeable presence of online hate speech against migrants in many countries across Europe. The article presents the results of a study of hate speech proliferation on Facebook in the Czech Republic during the summer of 2015. Its goal is to identify the producers of hate speech and determine their social background, explore the main channels of hate speech proliferation, determine the specific groups of migrants targeted by hate speech, put the hate speech in the context of online political communication, and discuss the role of media and politicians in the process of hate speech proliferation. With regard to the works of Castells, Skocpol or Bennett and Segerberg, online hate speech can be perceived as an extreme variety of new, rapidly evolving modes of political communication as such. Social and political activism has been shifting from membership-based organizations and parties towards flexible movements and initiatives with strong emphasis on the logic of identity politics. People may or may not engage in hate speech production as lone independent actors, but they still perceive their actions as part of larger collective efforts. When we focus on hate speech as a form of civic activism or networking, new interesting patterns can emerge. The study is based on a mixed-method analysis; computer-assisted data collection via the Social Insider software tool was further triangulated by random sampling and subsequent manual coding and analysis of selected Facebook posts, comments and other content. The question of reception and influence of hate speech was largely omitted from the analysis, due both to the research methods chosen and to the inherently cyclical nature of social network communication. Hate speech itself was identified according to a custom-made definition based on various existing legal definitions and scholarly perspectives of legal and media science. The results of the analysis indicate that the wave of hate speech against migrants was aggravated both intentionally and coincidentally by the combined forces of disparate Facebook users, extremist groups´ propaganda, news media and the design of the social network itself. As for the social background of frequent producers of hate speech, there was a strong prevalence of middle-aged and middle-class males, and a significant under-representation of both elderly and young Facebook users. The majority of the hate speech content was produced and spread in small-scale communication exchanges, i.e. under articles posted on individual user profiles etc. The communication activities of larger, well-organized populist groups, political parties or communities were visibly present, but they did not play a significant part in the hate speech production itself - although their possible involvement in agenda setting cannot be underestimated. All the datasets indicated that a vast majority of the hate speech in the given time period was aimed either against migrants in general or Muslims, while these two groups often overlapped. The role of mass media and of the design of the Facebook platform in the entire process should be discussed further. It became apparent that the producers of hate speech themselves seldom created any substantial shared content such as articles or videos. To the contrary, many hateful comments occurred through sharing and subsequent discussion of articles produced by online news outlets. As the Czech mass media are defined by transformation, uncertainty, layoffs and disintegration of professional routines, this creates a dangerous mix that could lead to further proliferation of hate speech.
CS
V roce 2015 se na internetu v České republice zvedla vlna nenávistných projevů proti migrantům, zejména muslimského původu. Tento článek prezentuje výsledky výzkumu nenávistných projevů vůči migrantům a uprchlíkům na Facebooku v České republice v létě 2015. Za pomoci kombinované metody analýzy využívající automatický sběr dat a následnou manuální triangulaci výsledků bylo možné odpovědět na některé základní otázky o procesu vytváření a šíření nenávistných projevů na Facebooku. Je zřejmé, že vlna nenávistných projevů proti migrantům v roce 2015 byla cíleně i nezamýšleně podpořena společnými aktivitami různých uživatelů Facebooku (především mužů ve středním věku příslušejících ke střední střídě), propagandistickými aktivitami extremistických skupin, zpravodajstvím masmédií a také designem samotné komunikační platformy.
EN
The present paper deals with the Brno Social Study, a rather extraordinary questionnaire survey given its extent and time (1947). Data analysis was forestalled by the political transformation after 1948, but the questionnaires were preserved. We have inherited a unique set of data for a historical-sociological analysis focusing both on the population of industry workers and on the social structure of Czech society in the advent of the communist coup. The Brno Social Study is contextualized in the state of post-war sociology, and the avenues toward its inception and implementation are mapped. The central part of the paper analyses the survey data from a contemporary analytical perspective, discussing the dataset’s representativeness. The primary objective of the paper is to propose, and initiate scholarly debate about, a feasible methodology for analysing the archived data today. The methodology serves to construct a representative sample through a combination of purposive, quota and random sampling; to determine the respondents’ socio-economic status using both ISCO and an original conceptualization of working class status; and to present certain data on respondents’ lifestyles that might be of interest for future analyses.
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Content available remote Ideální věk rodičovství v České republice a v evropském srovnání
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EN
In this paper a comparison is made between the Czech Republic and other European countries regarding attitudes toward the ideal timing for childbirth. In 1990s there was a sharp increase in the postponement of the transition to parenthood in the Czech Republic. This development raises the question: Are normative beliefs in the Czech Republic regarding the timing of childbirth changing, and if so, are they becoming similar to the attitudes present in Western Europe? After a brief outline of the concept of age norms, beliefs regarding the ideal age of when to become a parent in European countries are explored using data from the European Social Survey 2006. In the final part of this paper there is a detailed analysis of Czech attitudes toward the ideal timing of the birth of the first child, using CVVM survey data from 2006, with a specific focus on cohort and educational differences. This research reveals that Czech attitudes toward the ideal age for mothers having a first child is intermediate between the patterns observed in (a) East European countries where the ideal is for a younger age, and (b) West European states where an older age preference is prevalent. In contrast, the ideal age for becoming a father for the first time in the Czech Republic is one of the oldest in Europe. Significantly, the proportion of the population that rejects age norms for reproduction exhibits little systematic pattern across Europe. Within the Czech Republic the survey evidence indicates that those who are less than 35 years old, and those who are most educated have a significantly older ideal age for having a first child than all others.
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This article reports the results of a content analysis of recently published papers on the relationship(s) between socioeconomic status and health. This study explores how scholars conceptualize and measure socioeconomic status and health. Consequently, this research investigates if significant differences in measurement exist both across subfields within sociology and across disciplines. The evidence presented reveals a remarkable variation in measurement strategies. Moreover, this variation exhibits a pattern that is not entirely predictable. This article concludes by presenting in detail some of the most widely used health indicators and proposing that current measurement practice may be improved by utilizing some more advanced scaling strategies.
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