Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Pamiątki z Atlantydy. Przyczynek do badań nad jugonostalgią

100%

Majkowska-Szajer D.

Konteksty - Polska Sztuka Ludowa

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2011

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tom 65

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nr 1(292)

102-110

EN

The text considers ”Yugonostalgia” – a longing for Tito’s dictatorship in communist Yugoslavia. In the former territories of this county postwar trauma has produced an ideal image of the communist past. The author stresses that sometimes it constitutes the only element of shared memories in the culturally, politically and religiously differentiated terrains of former Yugoslavia.

2

Przyszłość międzynarodowych trybunałów karnych ad hoc. Strategie zakończenia oraz rozwiązania rezydualne, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem i Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego dla byłej Jugosławii

100%

Heidrich D.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2013

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nr 3

s.159-184

EN

The international criminal ad hoc tribunals were created as an answer to crimes committed in the bloody conflicts of the last decade of the twentieth century. Except for the International Criminal Court, which has a permanent nature, all the ad hoc tribunals were set up as institutions with a limited lifespan. In the beginning of the new century, questions arose about the possible dates of completion of their activities. In 2003, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) worked out the so called Completion Strategies, endorsed by the UN Security Council later that year. These strategies assumed that all activities of the two Tribunals should be finalised by 2010. Yet, even before that date, it became clear that these institutions were overloaded with work and it was unrealistic to hope that they would meet the indicated deadline. In the meantime, another temporary criminal tribunal, the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SC-SL) was coming closer to finalising the majority of trials. At that time, it was unclear what steps should be taken regarding the remaining tribunalsé residual functions, which would need to be taken care of even if most of the cases would have been completed. As regards the ICTY and the ICTR, the Security Council, by means of its resolution, determined in December 2010 that the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals would be set up. As far as the SC-SL is concerned, the government of Sierra Leone signed an agreement with the UN (August 2010) to create the Residual Special Court for Sierra Leone. The two recently formed international jurisdictions are supposed to replace the ICTY, the ICTR and the SC-SL (respectively). This article puts emphasis on the International Residual Mechanism for the ad hoc tribunals and attempts to present challenges that international criminal jurisdic¬tions are facing today and are about to face in the future.

3

Areas of the outstanding natural beauty of the Triglav National Park, in Slovenia

80%

Dario F. R. , De Vincenzo M. C. V.

The Institute of Biopaleogeography named under Charles R. Darwin

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2023

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tom 19

1-81

EN

This paper is a photographic summary of a scientific and touristic expedition carried out in June 2022 in the Triglav National Park, located in the northwestern of Slovenia. The Flora and fauna of the Park are very rich and diverse, and also has a huge number of rivers, streams, and crystalline lakes, emerald-blue in color and connected by a series of cascades and waterfalls, embedded in a network of mountains in the Julian Alps. The photos show park structures and wilderness areas, with spacious forest complexes, lakes, small streams, and waterfalls extending, besides geological formations, plants, and animal species.

4

Preventive diplomatic activities as a modified way of peaceful settlement of disputes at the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia

80%

Aćić M.

Acta Politica Polonica

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2020

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tom 49

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nr 1

61-71

EN

.This paper will highlight, among other things, the most significant features of the peaceful set- tlement of disputes in international legal practice. In order to point out the connection between peaceful dispute resolution and preventive diplomacy, it will be necessary to point to certain theoretical views. Nevertheless, the early institutionalization of the holders of these activi- ties, as well as the prominent role of internal organs for maintaining international relations, in these or similar situations, over time, there have been certain changes caused primarily by the spread of influence in addition to the state, and to other entities of international law. It is the emergence of international organizations that modifies both the holders and the activities available to them, all with a view to preventing conflict. Using a comparative and historical method, we will try to point out, on a specific example, analyzing the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, that some of the traditional peace-diplomatic means have been transformed into preventive diplomatic activities and what peculiarities did they contain. A particular example will point out their weaknesses as well as the consequences they have caused for the legal, and economic and other systems of the former Yugoslavia.

5

The Macedonian Issue in the Geopolitics of the Balkans in the 20s of the Twentieth Century in the Light of British Diplomatic Relations

80%

Paszkiewicz J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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nr 4(30)

19-31

EN

The article shows the attitude of the Great Britain towards controversies connected with the so‑called Macedonian issue during the inter‑war period, using British archival and published sources. From the point of view of Great Britain the Macedonian issue should be eliminated from the international politics of those times. Its instrumentalization through individual revisionist countries of the region and powers could lead to destruction of the interwar political order in the region. The Macedonian case was treated by British diplomats as a result of political manipulation and unfulfilled aspirations of circles, dissatisfied with the political status quo of those days. The demands to recognize the Macedonian population as an ethnic minority were ignored by the British diplomacy, treating them as an expression of revisionism. The British hope was in the long‑term assimilation of the population within Yugoslavia and Greece. British diplomacy insisted that Bulgarian authorities restrict the influence of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) on relations with Yugoslavia. On the other hand, Yugoslavia should give up supporting Bulgarian emigrants who found refuge there after the coup in September 1923. Moreover, British diplomacy cared about no influence, in any form of the controversy related to the Macedonian issue, on the League of Nations.

6

Collective self-reliance: A portrait of a Yugoslav development strategy

80%

Pierzyńska J.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2012

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tom 16

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nr 2

30-35

EN

Collective self-reliance is an interesting, nowadays forgotten development strategy that was popular between the 1950s and 1970s, particularly among the newly independent states of the “Third World”. It was widely discussed in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s by Yugoslav researchers, among others. This paper aims to examine Yugoslav ideas on collective self-reliance from a historical perspective on the basis of original works from the time. It presents a brief history of the idea and its resonance in the non-aligned world, contemporary criticism, as well as political, economic and spatial dimensions of the strategy and the means by which it aims to achieve the goal of an economically independent, sovereign “Third World region”. A summary of basic contrasts between two interpretations of collective self-reliance is given to illustrate the specifics of the Yugoslav approach. This developed strategy serves as a theoretical impulse to reintroduce the ideas of south-south cooperation to the development discourse.

7

Nacjonalizm w przemówieniach Slobodana Miloševicia

80%

Jagiełło-Szostak A.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2012

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nr 41

223-234

XX

The fall of Yugoslavia showed economical, national, ideological and political problems. Thus, there was a strong rise of hidden nationalisms among nations living on the same territory, such as Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian from 1980’. The aim of the article is to show how Slobodan Milošević’s nationalism was raising in his speeches in the period between 1988 (when he came to power) and 1992 (the new constitution of FRY was established). The author analyzed eleven speeches made during the debates in the Serbian Parliament, during sessions of the Socialist Party of Serbia and during meetings with people in such cities as Gazimstan, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Bor and Niš. In his speeches Milošević raised such subjects as the question of Yugoslavia, the question of Serbian nation living on the whole territory of Yugoslavia, the role of Serbia in the creation of Yugoslavia. Additionally, he was blaming “enemies” (such as Slovenia, Croatia, Albanians from Kosovo) for collapse of Yugoslavia and the war in the 1990’. He was using a language of populism and propaganda to enhance his goals and tried to be emotionally close to his nation.

8

The position of Slovenian representatives in disputes in the leadership of the league of communists of Yugoslavia from 1986 to 1988

80%

Janíčko M.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2021

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tom 107

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nr 1

117-167

EN

The study focuses on the large changes in the attitudes of the leading Slovenian politicians in 1986–1988 in the context of discussions at the Presidium of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY). In that period, Slovenian communists moved closer to the ideas of the opposition in their republic and further from the opinions of the other Yugoslav leaders regarding the organisation of the federation. The process is illustrated by three topics, intensely debated in the federal party centre at the time. The first one is the situation in Kosovo and the efforts of Serbia to acquire more powers in both its autonomous provinces, in which it was to a considerable extent supported by Slovenia at least until the export of mass rallies from Serbia to Montenegro in October 1988. The second issue was the activities of the liberal and nationalist opposition in Slovenia, worrying the members of the LCY Presidium but gradually getting more accepted by the Slovenian communists. Finally, the debates on changes to the Yugoslav constitution are presented, with the Slovenian leaders reversing their initial consent to transfer some powers to the federation after negative reactions from the local public.

9

The Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the Interwar Period

80%

Scridon A. C.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2018

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tom 9

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nr 1

190-195

EN

Aim. The Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and Yugoslavia encountered a series of shortcomings between the two world wars. Conclusion. Regardless of the political realities of the times, the Romanians coalesced around the Romanian Orthodox Church. That is why, not by chance, the great poet Mihai Eminescu identifies the Romanian Orthodox Church with the institution that preserved the Latin element near the Danube. The activity of the Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and Yugoslavia in the interwar period was mainly performed by priests.

10

Between the Nation and Socialism in Yugoslavia. The Debate between Dobrica Ćosić and Dušan Pirjevec in the 1960s

80%

Cosovschi A.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2015

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tom 101

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nr 2

293-317

EN

From a perspective rooted in conceptual history, the following article studies the transformations of Yugoslav political discourse from the end of World War II until the 1960s, in order to later analyze the famous debate held by the Serbian writer Dobrica Ćosić and the Slovene critic Dušan Pirjevec regarding cultural cooperation between the Yugoslav republics. By examining the transition from a centralist model to a more decentralized model based on the conceptual paradigm of selfmanagement and the consequences of such a transformation on the official approach towards the national question, the text aims at taking a closer look to the development of the new political language of Yugoslav communism and its effects on the political and intellectual debates of the time.

11

Great Britain and the Bulgarian-Yugoslavian Rapprochement (Fall 1944-Winter 1945)

80%

Znamierowska-Rakk E.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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nr 4(30)

33-44

EN

Due to their geographical position in the vicinity of the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea, where the main routes to British colonies started, the Balkans were always an important region of Europe for London. Therefore, when towards the end of World War II, Britain’s influence in Greece and Turkey was endangered by the projected union of communist Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, both within the Kremlin’s orbit, the British leadership firmly counteracted. On the one hand, Churchill made an agreement with Stalin on retaining Greece under almost exclusive influence of the Anglo‑Saxon powers. On the other hand, the Foreign Office issued a strong objection to Moscow regarding the concept of federalization of both Southern Slavic states, which, from London’s point of view, would be conducive to the the expansion of communism from those countries and with the main role of the Soviet Union. The British attempts led to breaking the Yugoslavian‑Bulgarian negotiations regarding the federation, which was, paradoxically, beneficial also for Moscow, Sofia, and even Belgrade, which initially made efforts to implement this plan without delay.

12

Okoliczności budowy stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Polską a Jugosławią w 1918 roku

80%

Morawski K. S.

Historia i Polityka

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2013

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nr 10(17)

95-114

EN

Officially, diplomatic relations between Poland and Yugoslavia commenced mid-January 1919. However, representatives of both countries had established and nurtured close cooperation already in the last quarter of 1918. As a matter of fact, the Polish and Serbian nations established some forms of cooperation with in the mid-nineteenth century, when both sought to implement major policy objectives. Circumstances surrounding the establishment of Polish-Yugoslavian diplomatic relations were reflected in the complicated political situation of both the Polish and Yugoslav peoples after the end of World War I. The present study focuses mainly on this particular issue and its aspects.

13

A země se třásla: Reflexe zemětřesení ve Skopji (1963) a Banja Luce (1969)

80%

MUJANOVIĆ M.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2011

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tom 97

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nr 5

427-503

EN

The aim of this work is to capture the key events after the devastating earthquakes in Skopje in 1963 and Banja Luka in 1969. A special emphasis is put on the reaction of the federal authorities, foreign responses and demographic changes in the affected areas. These aspects of the research are part of the broader perspective on the history of Yugoslavia in the 1960s. Both natural disasters also serve as the object of comparison that can prove changes in the attitudes of the Yugoslav administration and the public within a few years.

14

A General Overview of Yugoslav-Czechoslovak Economic and Trade Relations in the Period Between 1918 and 1938

80%

Balaban M.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2016

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tom 102

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nr 3

503-612

EN

This article deals with the issue of the economic and trade relations between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1938. This article is a shortened version of the doctoral thesis defended in June 2016 at Department of History of the Masaryk University in Brno, and it focuses on the issue of trade relations and the overall development of the economic relations between the two countries. In this analysed period, the two countries were close allies and had developed intensive economic relations, and our goal is to thoroughly research the economic relations between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia as well as the interdependence of political and economic relations between the two countries.

15

Contribution to the study of Limoniidae in Yugoslavia

80%

Simova-Tosic D.

Acta Zoologica Cracoviensia

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1992-1993

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tom 35

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nr 1

16

The “Fight for Peace” in the Airwaves – Tito, “the Chained Dog of Imperialists”

70%

Simándi I.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2017

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tom 7

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nr 1

145-164

EN

The radio broadcasts from countries involved in the Cold War had a major role in promoting relevant propaganda. Of course, this applied to the Hungarian Radio Corporation as well. In this study, with an analysis of the documents of the Hungarian Radio, we will present a segment of the foreign language radio programs broadcast between 1949 and 1951; the years of the campaign against Yugoslavia, and personally against Josip Broz Tito, the Yugoslav party leader, who turned against Stalin. The character of foreign languages broadcasts were subordinated to the political propaganda and followed well ups and downs of the Cold War. In 1956, after the settlement of the Soviet-Yugoslav conflict, disappeared not only the Cominform and so its newspaper against Yugoslavia the “New Struggle”, but changed the tone against the West as well.

17

Non-integrated Universities and Long-standing Problems The Universities of Zagreb and Belgrade in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Today

70%

Baketa N.

International Review of Social Research

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2014

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tom 4

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nr 2

111-124

EN

The higher education system of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia displayed three specific characteristics – a) non-integrated universities, b) absence of a federal ministry of education since the 1970s, and b) self-managed Communities of Interest as the decision-maker in the higher education system. Therefore, there was no direct connection between the universities and economic planning. The author considers this to be one of the causes of high unemployment of graduates and brain drain towards Croatia and Serbia. Twenty years after the dissolution of the SFRY, the universities are still not integrated, there aren’t any connections with the market, and the same problems prevail. This paper focuses on the flagship universities from Croatia and Serbia. The author uses the historical institutionalism framework, document analysis and the process tracing method in order to explain and connect these issues. As a conclusion, the author offers three solutions for the reorganization of non-integrated universities.

18

Význam sdružení cizinců ze zemí subsaharské Afriky a bývalé Jugoslávie v průběhu integračního procesu

70%

Gerstnerová A.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

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2014

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tom 101

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nr 2

171-188

EN

Associations of foreigners are generally presented as platforms for meetings, information exchange and social networking. But they are also cultural identity holders and centres for altruistic help and solidarity. During the integration process the associations of foreigners may as well help to reduce the socio-economic disorientation of immigrants in the host society and to facilitate the insertion of immigrants in the labor market.

19

Bitva na Kosově poli 28. června 1389 v reflexi kosovsko-albánského tisku koncem 80. let 20. století:

70%

Ceropita M.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2020

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tom 106

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nr 2

271-280

EN

The question of how the anniversary of the battle on the Kosovo field on 28 June 1389 was presented in the Kosovar Albanian political and cultural milieu at the end of the 1980s has hitherto been an unexamined subject in historiography. This is especially evident in comparison with the relatively widely- studied development of the Serbian view on this historical event against the background of the ideological and political crisis in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This work attempts to fill in the gap to a certain extent. The article analyzes Kosovar Albanian publications from 1989 that were addressing the anniversary of the battle that took place on Kosovo field on 28 June 1389. The author attempts to answer the question of what the attitudes of the Kosovar Albanian elite were at that time towards the battle itself as well as to it anniversary. The answer to this question can help us understand the causes of the ideological and cultural confrontation between Serbs and Kosovar Albanians that escalated into an armed conflict in the 1990s.

20

Reakcie slovenskej vojvodinskej publicistiky na rastúce ohrozenie ČSR v roku 1938

70%

Druga O.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

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2018

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tom 21

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nr 2

39-69

EN

The Vojvodina Slovaks were an active community in inter-war period, which was distinguished by strong relationship to Czechoslovakia as their ancestors country. Big part of this community responded very sensitively to the growing German aggression during 1938. The activity of Vojvodina Slovaks journalists is a very interesting source of information about the development of their opinion towards several observed subjects of the Czechoslovak, Yugoslav, but also international political scene.