Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Is the Sykes - Picot Agreement of 1916 was the basis for the political division of the Middle East?

100%

Biger G.

Journal of Geography, Politics and Society

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2016

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nr nr 6(3)

50-58

EN

In 1916, Britain and France signed an agreement deals with the future division of the Ottoman Empire. This agreement, known as the Sykes - Picot Agreement, after its two designers, the British Sir Mark Sykes and the French François George Picot, is seen up today as the main act which created the modern Middle East and responsible for some of its problems. The article present here point to another act, the decision of the newly established League of Nation to create the Mandate System and , following it, the San Remo decision of April 1920 giving the Mandates concerning the Arab Middle East to France and Britain, as the main designer of the division of the Middle East to its present form. (original abstract)

2

Pierwsza wojna światowa z perspektywy Wielkiej Brytanii – bilans zysków i strat

100%

Jeziorny D.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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nr 2(355)

49-69

EN

Great Britain, famous for her balance of power policy during the nineteenth century, got involved in the Great War because the growth of German power challenged this European balance of power. The German aggression on Belgium demanded concrete counter-action on the part of London, where the Napoleonic times were still remembered. Great Britain fought mainly against Germany for four years and won the war. Nevertheless, the First World War had no winner. Although Britain achieving her basic political, colonial, military and economic postulates the losses were overwhelming and the whole British power was seriously weakened. Without any doubts this influenced the government’s internal and foreign policy in the interwar period. It was felt in the British capital that participation in any subsequent conflict on such a huge scale would result in the destruction of the United Kingdom’s power, a prediction which came true after the Second World War.

3

Herstory. The Value of Diaries as Sources for the Study of Women’s Independence Discourse: The Category of Viewpoint

80%

Hawrysz M.

Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza

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2023

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tom 30

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nr 1

41-55

EN

The general aim of this outline is to indicate the diverse merits of women’s personal document literature for the study of women’s independence discourse. The specific objective is to identify the various points of view (understood as a linguistic category) that emerge in the texts regarding war and to reconstruct the image of war that emerges from the narratives of the female authors. Consequently, it can be said that the value of women’s personal document literature for researching women’s independence discourse is determined not only by its different perspective (presumably distinct from the male or official perspective) but also by the internal diversity within this discourse, which is connected to the broadly understood ideology.

4

Polsko-niemieckie stosunki gospodarcze w latach 1920-1934

80%

Kmiecik T.

Nauka, Gospodarka, Społeczeństwo

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2012

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nr nr 1 (4)

289-298

XX

W latach dwudziestych oprócz pogarszającego się międzynarodowego położenia Polski, stosunki polsko-niemieckie komplikowały inne nieuregulowane problemy. Najważniejsze z nich to wojna gospodarcza i wojna celna. Polsko-niemieckie stosunki gospodarcze od początku lat dwudziestych układały się źle. Niemcy nie chciały importować polskiej żywności, twierdząc, że pogłębi to u nich kryzys rolny. Polska z kolei nie chciała sprowadzać z Niemiec na większą skalę wyrobów przemysłowych, ponieważ groziło to uniemożliwieniem rozwoju własnego przemysłu. Nieco inne poglądy w tej sprawie reprezentowali zwolennicy polsko niemieckiej współpracy gospodarczej. Najbardziej znany wśród nich Władysław Studnicki twierdził, że gospodarki Polski i Niemiec nawzajem się uzupełniają. (fragment tekstu)

EN

The article presents the economic relations between Poland and Germany in 1920-1934. It contains information on damages resulting from the warfare in Poland and the losses suffered by Polish industry during the World War I. Polish economy was influenced not only by warfare, but also the economic and tariff war with Germany, which did not end until March 1934. (original abstract)

5

Pomoc materialna społeczności Galicji Zachodniej Legionom w 1914 roku

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Cisek M.

Sowiniec

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2014

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nr 45

51-91

EN

Based on the source query conducted by thee team of the Supreme National Committee at the National Archives in Kraków, this paper discusses the organization and fi nancing aid for shooting troops and Polish Legions from the society of Western Galicia in 1914. Particular attention was paid to the organization of the aid and the sources of fundraising for the Legions in Kraków and counties and municipalities in Western Galicia.

6

Attempts to extend the suffrage in wartime Hungary – 1914–1918

80%

Simándi I.

Central European Papers

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2014

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tom 2

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nr 2

108-121

EN

After the outbreak of "Big War" the role of the wartime hinterland has changed essentially. Some of the political parties and social organizations considered that men doing their military service in the war would have deserved the extension of suffrage and women in the wartime country would have deserved to gain suffrage. One of those political parties which had the biggest mass support performed political activity for the extension of suffrage. As the Social Democratic Party gained ground its increasing popularity brought about the establishment of the organization framework of the social democratic women's rights movement, and this then reinforced its activity, launching a journal called 'Nőmunkás' (The Woman Worker). The journal described the struggle, everyday problems, means of subsistence faced by women and the parliamentary debates concerning female suffrage that did not yield a result until December of 1917. One of the most significant of the social organizations was the Association of Feminists which was founded in Hungary on 18 December 1904. Endeavours in the direction of political emancipation of women and the suffrage movement became the central aim of their activity. The journal of the Association titled "A Nő" (The Women) covered almost all of their programmes, described how the situation and position of women changed due to the war and called attention to the debates concerning suffrage and published the various views of politicians and political parties. The first significant breakthrough in these debates was a bill that was brought in the parliament by Vilmos Vázsonyi, a minister without portfolio on 21 December 1917. He was the first member of a government who was willing to provide suffrage for women even though based on qualifications. His bill aroused an important dispute among common people and politicians too. Despite of all his efforts and political arguments the bill he proposed was not supported thus the law that was passed in the parliament did not included female suffrage.

7

John Bloch’s The Future of War Pacifism Based on Economics

80%

Pieczewski A.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2016

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tom 19

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nr 4

67-80

PL

-

EN

John Bloch (1839–1902) was a railroad tycoon, banker, social activist, philanthropist and man of science. He was shortlisted for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1902 for his multi-volume work entitled The Future of War in its Technical, Economic and Political Relations, which was dubbed ‘the bible of pacifism.’ Thanks to his multilayered activities he perfectly fits the positivist ideals of his time. Despite this, due to the course of history and ‘unfavourable circumstances’ for featuring his figure, for decades he was largely forgotten.The goal of this article is to present Jon Bloch and his works in the fields of entrepreneurship, science and most of all his attempts in aid of peace. I will present his major pacifist hypotheses and arguments which are included in his work The Future of War. The author substituted the usual religious and humanitarian arguments in aid of peace, with economic assertions. Published in many languages, the book became essential reading for the intellectuals and politicians at the break of 20th c., while Bloch gained the nickname of ‘the father of contemporary pacifism.’ In order to verify the legitimacy of this claim I will contrast Bloch’s work to a work entitled The Great Illusion, by Norman Angell. Published in 1909, eleven years after the first publication of The Future of War, Angell’s The Great Illusion is wellknown to the Anglo-Saxon readership.

8

THE ECONOMY OF DALMATIA IN THE POST-WORLD WAR I DECADE – A CASE STUDY OF MAKARSKA

80%

Hrstić I.

Rocznik Przemyski

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2016

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tom 52

|

nr 1(19): Historia

75-96

EN

The end of World War I caused a major change in the geopolitical map of Europe, when four continental empires fell apart and a large number of nation-states were formed in their territories. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was among them. Actually, it was a multinational state, created by the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which was created only a month before by South Slavonic provinces of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy up to 1918. The changes that occurred during that process were particularly strong in the field of economy, because a completely new economic territory was formed. The goal of this paper is to research their strength and volume in the province of Dalmatia, which was the least developed province of the Austrian part of the Monarchy up to 1918. The research was conducted as a case-study, for which purpose the district of Makarska was selected. All major branches of economy were studied (agriculture and fishery; industry; trade; tourism) in the period from 1918 to 1929, when due to the introduction of King Alexander’s dictatorship and the onset of the Great Depression great changes in the economy life of the Kingdom occurred.

9

GOSPODARKA I SPOŁECZEŃSTWO CARSKIEJ ROSJI WOBEC PRZYSZŁEJ WOJNY TOTALNEJ. PREDYKCJE JANA GOTTLIEBA BLOCHA

80%

Pieczewski A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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nr 2(13)

113-125 (13)

EN

The aim of this article is to present John Bloch’s (1863–1902) analysis contained in the book Future War. This analyses concerns the behavior of Russian economy and society in the context of future total war (WWI). The author concludes that Tsarist Russia should better overcome war difficulties than other Western European countries. His claims were based on assumptions that societies of richer countries would hardly bear the inconvenience the war brings them. The poorer and less civilized Russian society and less developed Tsarist economy could bear more. Therefore Bloch claimed that the threat of socialist revolution refered more to Western Europe. His predictions turned out to be false. Financing and food supply for the large Russian army led to the impoverishment of society and hunger. As a result, the socialist revolution broke out in Tsarist Russia.

10

Narodowa Demokracja wobec kwestii żydowskiej w Polsce podczas I Wojny Światowej (do 1917 roku)

80%

Sobczak M.

Prace Naukowe Akademii Ekonomicznej we Wrocławiu

|

1994

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nr nr 685 Nauki społeczne

57-61

XX

W chwili wybuchu I wojny światowej stosunki polsko-żydowskie było mocno napięte. Wzajemne animozje z okresu rewolucji 1905-1907, pogłębione różnicą zapatrywań na sprawy samorządu miejskiego w Królestwie Polskim; wystąpienie Żydów wraz Rusinami podczas galicyjskich wyborów do wiedeńskiej Rady Państwa w roku 1907, uznane przez stronę polską za wyraz wrogości do Polaków; ostra walka polityczna w czasie wyborów do IV Dumy Państwowej w Rosji - wszystko to stanowiło pokaźny balast w stosunkach polsko-żydowskich przed wielką wojną. Negatywna ocena postawy Żydów dokonana przez ideologów Narodowej Demokracji miała też swe źródło w przekonaniu, że Żydzi byli siłą, która osłabiała możliwość spopularyzowania w zaborze rosyjskim tzw. orientacji prorosyjskiej (właściwie przeciw niemieckiej). Według R. Dmowskiego, za ich pośrednictwem ugruntowywały się w świadomości Polaków niepożądane wpływy niemieckie. Wynikał stąd postulat wyeliminowania oddziaływań niemieckich poprzez walkę z Żydami. (fragment tekstu)

EN

In the paper are discussed Polish-Jewish relations in Polish national thought. Here are stressed all objections against Jews and the requirements of Jewish nationalists against Poland, which made impossible finding common understanding. (original abstract)

11

Kardinální problém Rakousko-Uherska za Velké války 1914–1918: Lidský potenciál na frontě a v zázemí

80%

Jindra Z.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2014

|

tom 2

93-113

EN

According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy’s armed forces consisted of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture. On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000 with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories. However at this time the importance of the “war economy” was also growing which resulted in an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of economic collapse.

12

Східні Креси в польській суспільно-політичній думці (1914-1925 рр.)

80%

Білобровець О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

|

tom 7

261-270

EN

The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries. In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland. Polish socio-political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders. Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland. World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria-Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917. The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level. According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view.

13

Relikty działań wojennych zarejestrowanych podczas badań archeologicznych na stanowisku militarnym 1–24 w Lesie Puławskim

80%

Mazurek M. , Muzolf P. , Sznajdrowska-Pondel A.

Raport

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2017

|

tom 12

199-212

EN

In 2016, during excavations on a military site, part 1-24, in Las Puławski, a number of remains connected with the 20th century warfare were found. The field fortifications included front-line trenches, communication trenches and shelters. The analysis of their size and function and the artefacts found in the fills indicate that only one of the fortifications may be connected with World War I. The rest of the trenches were built by the 1st Polish Army, which operated in the area in July and August 1944, during an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Vistula River between Puławy and Dęblin.

14

Postavení českých učitelek a jeho proměna po 28. říjnu 1918. "Jest to práce nejnevděčnější a nejbídněji placená."

80%

Bahenská M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

|

2011

|

tom 3

|

nr Supplementum_1

159-168

EN

The paper deals with the development of the education of women teachers in the Czech Lands, the position of women teachers during the lasts few years of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the creation and importance of women's teachers associations. It depicts the transformation in the teaching profession brought about by the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic, basing itself primarily on an analysis of the Women Teachers Journal.

15

Jerzy Grobicki (1891-1972) : od Legii Cudzoziemskiej do generała WP : biografia kawalerzysty

80%

Dubicki T.

International Studies : Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

|

2021

|

tom 27

|

nr nr 1

37-51

XX

Artykuł omawia postać Jerzego Grobickiego (1891-1972), który służył jako oficer armii cesarsko-królewskiej i został pułkownikiem Wojska Polskiego w II RP. Brał udział w I i II wojnie światowej, a po wojnie wyemigrował do Kanady. (abstrakt oryginalny)

EN

The article discusses the figure of Jerzy Grobicki (1891-1972) who served as an officer of the imperial and royal army and became the Polish Army colonel in the Second Polish Republic. He participated in World Wars I and II and after the war migrated to Canada. (original abstract)

16

Polityka zagraniczna Hiszpanii w latach 1914-1930

80%

Mizerska-Wrotkowska M.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2013

|

nr nr 3

66-75

XX

W artykule przedstawiam udział Hiszpanii w I Wojnie Światowej oraz kierunki polityki zagranicznej tego państwa w okresie rządów generała Miguela Primo de Rivery. Analizie poddałam: przyczyny hiszpańskiej neutralności w ogólnoświatowym konflikcie, uwarunkowania polityki zagranicznej po jego zakończeniu oraz mocne i słabe strony działalności zewnętrznej generała Primo de Rivery. Pisząc artykuł stosowałam metodę historyczną, metodę analizy i krytyki źródeł oraz analizę porównawczą hiszpańskojęzycznych publikacji. Wywód jest zgodny z teoretycznymi założeniami realizmu politycznego. (abstrakt oryginalny)

EN

The article deals with the participation of Spain in the First World War and the directions of foreign policy of this country during the rule of general Miguel Primo de Rivera. The author has analyzed: the causes of Spanish neutrality in the global conflict, conditions of foreign policy after it, along with strong and weak sides of the external activity of general Primo de Rivera. The author of the article took full advantage of historical and analytical method, criticism of the sources, and comparative analysis of Spanish publications. The argumentation is compatible with the theoretical assumptions of realism in politics. (original abstract)

17

W latach I Wojny Światowej (odcinek 5) : Historia bankowości w Polsce

80%

Morawski W.

Gazeta Bankowa

|

2000

|

nr nr 22

19-22

XX

W latach I Wojny Światowej powstała instytucja emisyjna Polska Krajowa Kasa Pożyczkowa. W Galicji istniał już Bank Krajowy i powstały dwa nowe publiczne banki. Omówiono sytuację w pozostałych zaborach.

18

Brytyjskie lotnictwo w rejonie Dardaneli w 1915 roku

80%

Korzeniowski P.

Humanities and Social Sciences

|

2018

|

tom 23 (XXIII)

|

nr nr 25 (1)

49-69

XX

Walki w rejonie Dardaneli i na Półwyspie Gallipoli toczyły się niemal przez cały rok 1915. Operacja, planowana początkowo jako samodzielne przedsięwzięcie floty, miało zakończyć się szybkim wyeliminowaniem Imperium Osmańskiego z wojny. Jednakże działania sił nawodnych okazały się nieskuteczne, a atak przeprowadzony w dniu 18 marca 1915 roku kosztował Aliantów utratę trzech okrętów liniowych. Niechęć do przyznania się do porażki spowodowała podjęci decyzji o rozpoczęciu operacji lądowej i wysadzenie desantu na Półwyspie Gallipoli. Była to pierwsza w nowoczesnej wojnie operacja desantowa na wybrzeże bronione przez nieprzyjaciela. Lądowanie przeprowadzone w dniu 25 kwietnia 1915 roku zakończyło się zdobyciem przyczółków, ale nie zdołano opanować kluczowych punktów na półwyspie. Także podejmowane w kolejnych miesiącach operacje zakończyły się niepowodzeniem, a zbliżająca się zima zmusiła wycofanie sił alianckich na przełomie 1915/1916 roku. W walkach w rejonie Dardaneli, zarówno marynarka wojenna, jak i wojska lądowe wspierane były przez lotnictwo. Jednostki lotnicze obejmowały dwa okręty-bazy wodnosamolotów - HMS Ark Royal oraz HMS Ben-my-Chree, oraz dwie eskadry Royal Naval Air Service - 2. oraz 3. Ponadto na korzyść kontyngensu francuskiego działała 98. Eskadra Lotnicza (l'Escadrille MF 98 T). W czasie analizowanych miesięcy, lotnictwo alianckie bardzo mocno angażowało się w prowadzone działania, zarówno morskie jak i lądowe. Niestety, z powodu niewystarczającej liczby maszyn latających, ich słabych parametrów taktyczno-technicznych oraz zbyt ubogiego zaplecza technicznego efektywność tych działań była bardzo daleko niewystarczająca. (abstrakt oryginalny)

EN

The battles in the Dardanelles and Gallipoli Peninsula took place almost throughout 1915. The operation, initially planned as an independent fleet venture, was to end with the rapid elimination of the Ottoman Empire from the war. However, the operation of the navy proved to be ineffective, and the attack carried out on March 18, 1915 cost the Allies the loss of three line ships. The reluctance to admit defeat caused the decision to start a land operation on the Gallipoli Peninsula. It was the first amphibious operation in the modern war on the coast defended by the enemy. The landing, carried out on 25 April 1915, ended with the gaining of bridgeheads, but the key points on the peninsula were not occupied. Also the operations undertaken in the following months ended in failure, and the approaching winter forced the withdrawal of Allied forces at the end of 1915. In the battles in the Dardanelles, both the navy and ground troops were supported by the air force. Aircraft units included two aircraft-bases - HMS Ark Royal and HMS Ben-my-Chree, and two squadrons Royal Naval Air Service - 2nd and 3rd. In addition, for the French contingent operated the 98th Air Squadron (l'Escadrille MF 98 T). During the analyzed months, the Allied air force was very much involved in the operations carried out, both sea and land. Unfortunately, due to the insufficient number of flying machines, their poor tactical-technical parameters and too poor technical facilities, the effectiveness of these activities was far insufficient. (original abstract)

19

I wojna światowa i sposób jej przedstawienia na przykładzie opowiadania Maksima Hareckiego Litewski chutorek

80%

Drozd K.

Acta Polono-Ruthenica

|

2018

|

tom Tom 1 Nr XXIII

19-28

EN

Maksim Harecki introduced the subject of war to Belarusian literature. This story, analysed broadly, shows the consequences of the war for each party in the conflict. This is seen in the construction of the story, based on contrast and the diversified language of the narrative.

20

Andere Stimmen – Protest gegen Krieg und Gewalt in der polnischen und ukrainischen Dichtung über den Ersten Weltkrieg

80%

Woldan A.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

|

2019

|

tom 63(1 (464))

7-25

EN

Polish and Ukrainian poetry on World War I have much in common: they were written mainly by soldier-poets, young men fighting in the Polish Legions or the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen. This poetry is, first of all, a patriotic legitimation of the war as a way of regaining political independence. Heroism and suffering for the fatherland are dominating issues. Nevertheless, besides this pathetic gesture, we can find voices that point out the horror of war and question it at all. Such criticisms is expressed by certain motives, which appear in both the Legions’ and the Sich Riflemens’ poetry, like: fratricide, lists from soldiers to their families at home, devastation of nature and culture, autumn and death, as well as pacifist notions. These voices do not form any dominant discourse in the poetry on World War I, but they are not to be ignored, as they mark a common place in the Polish and Ukrainian literature at this time, which has not been researched until now.