In the paper, attempt was made to verify the not uncommon opinion about the collapse of the Swedish welfare state model. The first part of the paper was devoted to description of the 'Swedish model'. Attention was drawn, among other things, to its features such as: the high level, universality and equality of social rights of all the citizens, the full employment policy and the solidaristic wage policy. Especially the 'Swedish model's' particularity, i.e. the very high level of social expenditures was stressed and, in this connection, their size, structure and financing sources were presented. Then, the principles of organization of the following areas of the social security were discussed: the pension system, the health care system, the labour market policy and the family and social aid policy. The next part of the paper was devoted to the development trends of the Swedish economy, with special regard to the economic growth rate, the productivity, the level of unemployment and the condition of public finance. In the last part of the paper, basing on the analysis made, conclusions were drawn in the key question formulated in the heading of the paper.
The article discusses the topic of culture and its interrelation with social policy. Basing on important contributions of Baldock, van Oorschot and Pfau-Effinger, it attempts to present the significance of a wide cultural context for the welfare state and at the same time a relative negligence of this cultural context in academic social policy. The main part of the article is the presentation of the contextualization of the above mentioned issues as proposed by Birgit Pfau-Effinger who outlined the concepts of welfare culture and welfare arrangements. The twofold character of culture-welfare state interrelation seems to be a very intriguing and promising field of study, also in a comparative perspective.
There are raising voices about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state. The aim of this article is to present changes of Swedish social policy in the 1990s in order to check whether the statements about the crisis are correct. For this purpose, Paul Pierson's perspective of retrenchment is used. Pierson distinguishes between two kinds of retrenchment: programmatic (change of programmes towards Titmuss' residual model of social policy) and systemic (changes of institutions which allow for those changes in a future). Four elements of the Swedish social security system are analysed: two representing cash benefits (pensions, unemployment benefits), two others - services: health care and care for elderly. The latter were chosen because services are believed to be more vulnerable for retrenchment. All sectors faced both forms of the retrenchment, however to the different extent. The main trends in Swedish social policy of past decade are: privatisation and decentralisation. Additionally, the article confirms the statement concerning services sector's vulnerability. One would say, that Swedish welfare state in the 1990s was transforming towards residual model. However, this process was very slow and was evident only from the Scandinavian perspective: from the comparative one, it seems that Swedish social policy hasn't lost its main features. Thus, the statement about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state isn't true, it is rather the shift from the 'Gold' to the 'Silver Era'.
In the first part of the article the author points out the outstanding performance of the Nordic countries in comparison to other countries (not only the EU member states) on a very wide range of economic and social indicators: growth, labour productivity, research and development investment, liberalised product and service markets, rates of employment, welfare benefits, physical and social infrastructure. The development of the Nordic states since at least mid-1990s has shown that they have managed to create socially generous and even societies as well as highly competitive, flexible and efficient ones. Therefore, the latest Scandinavian experiences appear to have gone beyond the simplistic debate over liberalisation versus protectionism, or free market capitalism versus the welfare state, which is so prevalent in Europe today. The article argues that the Nordic social model could become an important source of inspiration for other countries in Europe, including Poland, despite its specifity based on a number of cultural, historical and regional factors connected with Scandinavia. Among the major lessons which can be learned about the Nordic model are the following observations. It is not the size of the state which matters, but its quality. The public sector and institutionalized social dialogue can be very effective instruments for economic and social reform. One of the distinctive features of the Nordic countries is the strategy of 'flexicurity' - combination of flexible regulation, strongly developed systems of social security for the unemployed and an active labour market policy. A further reason for the success is a high level of investment in education and research. Last but not least, Nordic governments are leading the way in establishing a high degree of coherence between economic, social and ecological policies.
During the last years, there has been a growing interest all over Europe for the Danish 'model' of flexicurity. The Danish combination of flexibility for the employers and security for the employees and the populations would be an example to follow, mainly because of the successes met in the fight against unemployment during the 1990's. This paper takes a close look at the core elements of the Danish case to determine whether these views are relevant. The three elements of the Danish 'golden triangle' are flexible labour market, a generous welfare system, and an active labour marker policy. These elements are analysed, as well as the 1993 labour market reform, which is supposed to have triggered the remarkable decrease of unemployment that took place in Denmark since 1997. The core features of the Danish case are examined to determine whether the Danish model could be exported, in particular in Poland, where mass unemployment is an issue.
This article argues that the economic crisis in Sweden was not caused by the large and generous welfare state, but rather by market-liberal economic reforms. Today the model is still doing relatively well and it still has the support of the population. Although the literature on 'retrenchment' focuses on social benefits, in Sweden cutbacks in this area were rather mild. Instead, the main cutbacks were actually in the quality of welfare services, which remains the greatest problem for Sweden.
The Swedish model's high level of consistence that links normative assumptions and institutional practices into an integrated whole, as well as its high aspiration level are probably unique. The article reviews the normative assumptions, and institutional features of the model with a particular focus on the role played by the goal of full employment, and the instruments of Active Labour Market Policy developed in order to achieve it. It is argued that the emphasis originally placed by the model's architects on individual employability and labour mobility, though pivotal for its initial success did, inadvertently contribute to the gradual growth in the ranks of the permanently unemployable in the later decades. Previously, the low degree of coordination between the public actors within the system, and the cleavage between the fields of labour market and welfare largely hindered the emergence of new public solutions, while social economy actors were kept at bay. The ongoing realignment of local government- and public sector institutions and tasks opens new scenarios, in which the diversity and high level of autonomy of public actors may provide the base for the emergence of new partnerships and initiatives in the field.
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This article deals with the role of welfare state as a subject of intensive discussions concerning its legitimacy, justification of its existence and functioning. Due to long-term crisis of the social state, this contribution identifies its problematic aspects and presents the main reasons and causes that are rooted in growing dominance of private sector. Such dominance originates from social stratification and weakening of solidarity between different social groups, i.e. support of social state.
The article analyses the roots of the welfare state as a social model developed in particular historical context. It also questions the simplified concepts of the welfare state, refers to the genesis of the crisis of the Scandinavian model and presents the consequences of the neoliberal offensive - such as 'brutalistation of work' - eroding its key achievements. It recommends the labour movement to: defend the welfare state achievements, to fight against the international institutionalization of neo-liberalism, as well as for the democratization and further development of social services/institutions in joint efforts of consumers and the producers.
The so called 'collapse' of Swedish welfare state is often perceived in Poland in the light of 'family decline' that is expected to have happened in the Nordic countries. Additionally, according to some groups of authors, since (Western, and maybe especially Swedish) 'atomization, hedonism and selfishness' promotes a certain style of life making people put away their decision about having a child, which together leads to dramatic decrease in birthrates. In the writings of conservative authors demographic decline presents very basic threat for the nation's existence. This article is aimed at clarifying the facts concerning Swedish family policy, as well as at showing successful institutional solutions, which could be applied in Poland because their usefulness in Polish conditions. Theoretical background including 'gendering welfare state' approach is here presented mostly due to its absence in the writings of Polish authors. Gender equality point of view is accompanied by showing, how much freedom of choice Swedish model of family policy provides. In order to have a wider view of this topic, the main characteristics of Swedish state's policy towards families are presented together with the 'retrenchment' period of the 1990s, analyzed with the intention to shed some different light on the fact, whether the retrenchment is really taking place or not.
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Along with changes taking place in the modern Nordic societies there is a change in values that have constituted a foundation of the development of higher education systems in this part of Europe. The author's intention is to investigate to what extent the traditional values that had evolved within the framework of the peasant and industrial societies have a chance to survive, or have to change, within the knowledge-based post-industrial regime. The paper presents an image of the current societal change and investigates whether we currently witness an evolution or withering away of the traditionally Nordic values in higher education. A particular attention is paid to the changes in the social democratic model of education and research and the emergence of neoliberal elements in it. The changes are illustrated by examples of the transition taking place from industrial to post-industrial society, from collectivism to individualism and from egalitarianism to elitism.
A genuine 'European Social Model' can be characterised by structures and processes of ordered diversity and social compensation. Since the mid-90's European social democrats of the Third Way have argued that globalization, European integration, individualization and the knowledge-based society make welfare state reform a pressing issue. The European Social Model is identified as a severe hindrance to growth, competitiveness and employment. Notions of a new European Social Model include the functionality of income inequality and the market for a prosperous economy, conditionality for social benefits and workfare. The article takes the current German welfare state reforms as an example for the transition from the 'old' to the 'new' European Social Model. It focuses especially on reforms in health insurance, old age pensions and on labour market policies, namely the so-called 'Hartz-reforms'. The results are disappointing, because neither unemployment has dropped nor social security finances have improved. Instead the reforms dismantle the very idea of solidarity and hence its legitimacy. Political alternatives to these changes are still vague. Fundamental problems such as the relation between wage work and care work or between the ideology of growth and the exploitation of natural resources remain unsolved.
The welfare state could be analysed from the political or institutional perspective, because it raises a question of the scope of citizen's rights as well as a question of limits of cooperation between the free market and the government. This assumption is also true in the context of East Asia. In the present literature devoted to the East Asian welfare state one can find three approaches to this issue. The first one emphasizes the cultural and the structural dissimilarity of East Asia, which affect the shape of social policies in each country in the region. The second one shows the East Asian welfare states as underdeveloped forms of the European models of social policy. The third one tries to demonstrate that each of East Asian countries has its own distinct form of welfare state. In author's opinion, the source of the differences between those approaches lies in the level of analysis. One can look at the East Asia welfare state focusing only on the instruments of social policy, which are sometimes very similar to those developed in Europe and USA or one can analyse the cultural and political background of social policy in East Asia, which is very different from the western experience. If we examine the East Asian welfare state from the political perspective we find out that the purpose for developing the whole system of social policy is to legitimise the existence of the government. The government is obliged to create an environment in which every citizen can independently work out his or her own welfare. Due to these facts, it is hard to draw, from the institutional perspective, a sharp line between the sphere of the free market and the sphere controlled by the state. Each of East Asian states is interested in having a discreet control over its citizen's life and because of it the autonomy of the East Asian market is very often illusive. To sum up, in author's opinion, there is the separate model of the welfare state in East Asia and its particularity comes down from cultural and political specificity of the region.
The paper explains one important feature of paternalism, a system of political rule operating nowadays in so-called welfare states. Paternalism de facto and de jure aims at a comprehensive control of human behaviour, including actions which mainly or exclusively influence the agents themselves. For the purposes of the paper this specific tendency of paternalist governments is termed 'individual prevention'. Individual prevention appears to be based upon the general assumption that human beings, if left unsurveilled, may behave in a self-destructive manner or, at least, become harmful to themselves. Consequently, the followers of paternalist idea argue that the state, with its proper legislative, administrative and penal measures, ought to prevent its members from harming themselves and thus to extend the scope of their rationality and liberty. The fact remains, however, that the general assumption upon which individual prevention is founded is highly controversial. As demonstrated e.g. by Aristotle in the 'Nicomachean Ethics', it is impossible for anyone to harm oneself in an informed and voluntary way. True, individuals may sometimes act in a self-destructive manner, owing to unavoidable limitations of their knowledge and competences. Nevertheless, as concluded in the paper, a paternalist state easily becomes a totalitarian one, quite contrary to its leading idea.
The contemporary debate on merits and disadvantages of welfare state is centered on the efficacy and performance of the system. The assessment of social effects of policies pursued by a welfare state was, predominantly, concentrated on the dependence of poverty sphere and income inequalities on the volume of public expenditure. It follows from our analyses that neither the economic theory nor the results of empirical research provide unequivocal opinion to what extent welfare state's policies affect the performance of the economy. The experiences of EU member countries, especially the Scandinavian countries, point to the fact that social security and competitiveness of the economy do not constitute mutually contradictory goals. Productive economy to a smaller degree requires 'a minimal state' but rather depends on effective macroeconomic policy, on the transparency of operation of public institutions as well as on educational and health protection policies, which in turn contribute to the high quality of human assets.
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This article deals with a role of the welfare state as a middleman and a guarantor of basic social rights concerning socially disadvantaged groups. The main objective is to open a discussion regarding the role of welfare state in the process of recognition and social valuation of people impacted by poverty or social exclusion. Recognition theory of Axel Honneth, a representative of contemporary critical theory, has been used as a theoretical basis for this analysis.
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