Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

INTERNET BANKING USAGE: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS ON TURKISH CONSUMERS

100%

İlter B. , Saatçıoğlu Ö. Y. , Kuruoğlu E.

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tom 4

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nr 1-2

1-25

EN

Turkey has a developed banking sector which has a very important place in Turkish economy. Internet banking applications started in 1997. Though it does not have a long history it has a very huge potential in the Turkish market. The aim of this paper is to explore if demographical factors are important in identifying the target customers for internet banking; to identify the perception of consumers regarding the attributes of internet banking usage; and to check if consumers perceive internet banking as a useful alternative channel. For this, an empirical research was conducted on 506 internet users over the age of 18, and two different clusters of non-users of internet banking and three different clusters for users of internet banking were identified, based on the demographic characteristics of respondents, which could be a valuable tool for marketing managers for identifying their segmentation and positioning strategies. Five factors were found to be as attributes of internet banking usage. Among the five factors, “security and trust” was found to be the factor that had the highest factor load for Internet banking usage. Finally, the discriminant analysis carried out reveals clues for bank managers about how to identify potential Internet bank users.

2

The Rise of Turkey and Poland: Implications for Economic Cooperation

100%

Wódka J.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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nr 1

97-111

EN

The article scrutinises the economic relations of Poland and Turkey, two growing emerging markets. It examines both the current level of economic trade, as well as the potential for enhancing the economic partnership in such areas as innovation, trade, energy, and cooperation in third markets. The article contends that the prospects for boosting economic cooperation are linked to political collaboration and are dependent upon geopolitical factors.

3

Turcja wobec irańskiego programu nuklearnego. Wyzwania i szanse

85%

Fiedler R.

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nr 7

281-292

EN

In the article was analyzed Turkish policy to Iran. In the last decade Turkey established regular relations with increasing trade exchange volume. In 2010 Turkey and Brazil proposed a plan for solution Iran’s nuclear deadlock. Although, a plan was not accepted by the Western powers at present in dealing with Iranian nuclear crisis Turkish role as a reliable mediator should be greater.

PL

W artykule przeanalizowano turecką politykę wobec Iranu. W ostatniej dekadzie relacje irańsko-tureckie dynamicznie rozwijają się. W 2010 r. Turcja wraz z Brazylią zaproponowały plan rozwiązania irańskiego kryzysu nuklearnego. Mimo, że plan z różnych względów nie powiódł się, stanowił jednak przykład, że Turcja może odegrać jeszcze istotną rolę w negocjacjach z Iranem.

4

Turkey and the European Union: the Saga of the 50 Years-Long Accession Negotiations

80%

Alptekin A.

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nr 1

19-62

EN

The EU-Turkey relations date back to 1960s when the European project started. With the Ankara Agreement of 12 September 1963, Turkey became an Associate member of the European Economic Community which was then an economic organisation from which today’s EU emerged. The EU’s December 1997 sidelining of Turkey’s application for full membership turned the direction on 3 October 2005 and Turkey begin its accession negotiations with the EU. Since then there is still ongoing debate based on cultural, economic and political assessment whether Turkey will fit to be a member of the EU. From the perspective of the institutional norms of Copenhangen criteria, the EU could possibly embrace all countries, regardless of culture, religion and historical background. The EU’s uncompleted institutional structure gives rise some spatial, temporal and thematic scopes which introduce some new accession criteria such as European state, European identity, absorption capacity, open-ended process and approval of the member states which will make more complicated Turkey’s full membership bid to the EU. Despite Turkey’s institutional reforms which bring the country that much closer towards fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria and its dynacmic economy which makes Turkey as the second country that fits the Maastricht criteria in Europe, European politicians and citizens remain deeply divided on Turkey’s accession bid to the EU as a full member. As a consequence, the alternative accession proposals which depreciate the full membership of Turkey are argued by the EU’s core members. The purpose of this article is to answer the vague accession criteria, the different accession proposals towards Turkey and explain the new bargaining position of Turkey for its accession bid to the EU. The exclusion of Turkey from the EU’s enlargement process will be evaluated by different theoretical approaches which constitute the interplay of the liberal intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism and path dependency process, rationalist approaches and sociological institutionalism.

5

The Eastern Partnership and the EU-Turkey Energy Relations

80%

Demiryol T.

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nr 2

50-68

EN

This article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey’s accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.

6

Moving Toward Equity: Bringing Bilingual Education to Turkey’s Kurdish Children

80%

Story E. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

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nr 2 (5)

PL

This article examines the history of Kurdish language repression in Turkey and argues that bilingual education for Kurdish children will ultimately benefit both Turks and Kurds. Research shows that bilingual education tends to create empathy between the children of conflicting groups. This is particularly intriguing in the situation of Hebrew-Arabic bilingual schools in Israel, since the situation of Arab Israelis is in many ways comparable to that of Turkish Kurds.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

7

Depositional evolution of the Soma coalfield, western Turkey: a preliminary report

80%

Inci U.

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2002

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tom Vol. 7

109-118

EN

Miocene alluvial/fluvial-lacustrine deposits composed of three lignite successions (Lower, Middle, and Upper) are exposed in Soma coalfield located near the northern Aegean Sea coastline of the Western Anatolia. The total thickness of the coal successions is about 900 m, and they rest unconformably on the Mesozoic carbonate/siliciclastic basement rocks. Recognised lithofacies of coal successions have been arranged to fourteen facies assemblages and interpreted as environments.Lower Coal succession was deposited in an alluvial fan to plain and perennial forest mire system resulting in a subbituminous lignitic coal, in average 20 m thick. Freshwater carbonate-dominated Middle Coal succession, having lignite beds ranging from 0.5 to 2.5 m, was formed in floodplain environment, including shallow freshwater carbonate lakes and/or ponds, and frequently drying poor forest mires of an anastomosed river system. Volcanism-induced Upper Coal succession was deposited in fluvial channel, floodplain, and probably in allochthonous peat mires of a braided river system that rapidly got buried and/or eroded by volcaniclastic apron deposits, and culminated by large carbonate-dominated perennial shallow lakes.The Miocene coal successions were probably deposited in the fault-controlled karst-based palaeovalleys and lowlands of the intramountain palaeomorphology that were patterned by the Early Tertiary collision of the Eurasia and Anatolian plates. The coal successions was faulted by the extensionally tectonic regime and covered with Plio-Quaternary deposits.

8

KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT PRACTICES IN TURKISH SMES: A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY

80%

İpçioğlu İ. , Çelik H.

International Journal of Emerging and Transition Economies (IJETE)

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2008

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tom 1

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nr ISSUE1

107-126

EN

Recently, Knowledge Management (KM) has gained incredible attention in business world because of the rising importance of knowledge as a competitive power and strategic resource. However, Small and Medium Size Enterprises (SMEs) have faced some challenges about the employment of Knowledge Management (KM) practices. The principal objective of this study is to explore the regarded challenges of Turkish SMEs to implement as well as their perceptions about KM. It is also aimed to determine KM infrastructure Turkish SMEs that is necessary for them. The findings of this research show that Turkish SMEs are aware of the impact of knowledge in their business performances. However, the majority of them do not still have KM program and have not completed KM infrastructure that is necessary to manage knowledge systematically and effectively.

9

Development: What’s in a name?

80%

Baysal N.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

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2011

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nr 04

92-95

EN

The article looks into the process of the creation of development discourse in Turkey and its consequences on the field. In the first section of the article, amusing anectodes are given from 1990s during which this process unfolded and gave way to a “project industry” with the EU accession period in Turkey. The focus of the second part is on the evaluation of paradigm shift towards “human development”. Evaulation methods of development projects, numbers, statistics, indexes in this paradigm are critically interpreted. In the last part, field cases from Kavar Region, east of Turkey, are given in order to find answers to questions like what development means for Kavar and the relationship between happiness, dignity and development.

10

Traditional methods used by mothers living in different regions of Turkey for increasıng breast milk supply and weaning

80%

Tural B. E. , Sak Kilic E. , Karakurt A.

Progress in Health Sciences

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2019

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tom 2

13-20

EN

Introduction: It is a known fact that traditional practices mothers use in increasing breast milk supply and weaning differ in different parts of countries and even among communities sharing the same city. This study was conducted to find out the use of herbal tea and some foods to increase breast milk, the traditional methods used for weaning and the factors influencing these. Materials and methods: This study is descriptive and cross-sectional. Three cities in Turkey with different levels of development in terms of geographical and socio economic regions were chosen. The data of the study were collected through a questionnaire form developed by the researchers. Results: It was found that the mothers who received breast milk increasing training the most were in eastern region, while mothers in western region fed their babies with formula since they thought their milk was not enough and this result was found to be statistically significant (p<0.05). In our study, it was found that 42.1% of the mothers resorted to some plants and foods to increase breast milk. When the mothers were asked about how they weaned their babies, it was found that 38.2% pasted things like hair and wool or put tomato paste on the breast, 26.9% applied bitter food on the nipple while 27.7% stated that the babies stopped breastfeeding spontaneously. Conclusion: It was found that mothers resorted to traditional methods to increase breast milk and to wean and that there were regional differences.

11

THE POTANTIAL OF POLISH - TURKISH TRADE DEVELOPMENT

80%

Jeliński B. J.

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nr ISSUE2

275-287

EN

The Turkish – Polish economic relations are based on a partly common history and on a similar strategy of economy development. Both countries have a comparable Gross Domestic Product and foreign trade turnover. The transformation of Polish economy and membership in European Union, create new possibilities for prosperous future economic co-operation between two countries.

12

Turecka polityka zagraniczna wobec Rosji. Od zimnowojennej konfrontacji do pragmatycznego partnerstwa

80%

Wódka J.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Polityczna

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2010

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nr 3(30)

182-202

EN

The article discusses Turkish – Russian relations in the context of changes that have been taking place in the international system since World War II. In the first years after the war they were hostile as a result of the cold war confrontation. After the fall of the Iron Curtain, together with the changing geopolitics in the Euro-Asiatic region, Turkish and Russian interests started to more and more coincide in many fields of international policy. Today, although there are still controversial issues between Ankara and Moscow, their relations, especially in the area of economy, are kept at a very high level.

13

Turkey and Russia in Syrian war: Hostile friendship

80%

İpek C. D. , Güler M. Ç.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2021

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tom Vol. 35, No. 3

77--92

EN

This study considers Russian-Turkish relations within the context of the Syrian war. We elaborate on both Russia’s and Turkey’s strategies and their understanding of the Syrian War, and consider how the two countries have managed to stay on the same page despite conflictual strategies and geopolitical interests in Syria. The current literature does not address this question and does not thoroughly compare their actions and engagements in the field. This article aims to clarify Turkey-Russia relations in the Syria and provides evidence of how they are in conflict and cooperate at the same time. In this regard, it is argued that the available evidence indicates that Turkey-Russia relations in Syria operate on the “compartmentalisation” strategy. In order to test this argument, the qualitative research method based on secondary resources is used while the theoretical framework previously formulated by Onis and Yilmaz (2015) is adopted. They conceptualise Turkey-Russia relations as if they do “compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid the negative spillover of certain disagreements into areas of bilateral cooperation.” Furthermore, they claim that compartmentalisation can be hindered if there are deepening security concerns in an area like Syria. However, this article underscores that compartmentalisation does not only work by separating the economic issue from geopolitical rivalries; it also makes Turkey and Russia able to cooperate and conflict in a specific and fundamentally conflictual geopolitical issue such as Syria. The convergences and divergences that occurred in the Syrian field are conceptualised under the strategy of compartmentalisation. In this context, the cooperation – the signed agreements and established mechanisms, conflicts, and clashes in the field, are acknowledged as the consequences of the compartmentalisation strategy in Syria. The compartmentalisation strategy is specifically used in Syria in order to avoid the negative impacts of direct clashes in bilateral cooperation and agreements. It can therefore be concluded that the deepening divergence in security related issue does not necessarily prevent compartmentalisation; on the contrary, compartmentalisation paves the way for stabilisation of such deepening divergence.

14

Turcja w polityce brytyjskiej wobec Syrii i Libanu w latach 1940–1941

80%

Zdulski K.

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tom 46

35-49

EN

After collapse of metropolitan France in June 1940, the French in the Syria and Lebanon swore allegiance to the Vichy Government. This situation was hard to accept by the British. According to the Chiefs of Staff Committee, the occupation of these territories by enemy forces could have had most serious strategic consequences since it would cut of land communications with Turkey and would immediately threaten the whole of British interests in the Middle East. Due to that threat, London was forced to rethink its policy towards French Levant. One of the discussed measures was a proposition to involve Turkey in solving this problem. Turkey was bound with Britain with reciprocal security pact since October 1939. Moreover, the situation in Syria and Lebanon was also a threat for Turkish security. It was thought that these arguments would act in favor of Turkish involvement. Although in London everyone counted on active attitude of Turkey, there was no agreement as to its nature. While Churchill, Eden and the Chiefs of Staff were willing to agree on Turkish occupation of Syria and Lebanon, the Foreign Office was definitely against this solution. The first option eventually won. The first serious talks about Turkish involvement in Levant question took place in Ankara in January 1941, during the Anglo-Turkish military conversations. It was agreed then that if Turkey had entered the war, Turkish and British armies would have occupied Syria and Lebanon. The deteriorating military situation on the Eastern Mediterranean forced the United Kingdom to intervene in the French Levant in June 1941. Th e British government encouraged Turks to take part in that operation (“Exporter”). However, Turkish government rejected that offer. Turkey was still out of war and did not want to worsen her relations with the Third Reich.

15

Turcja w Unii Europejskiej – dialog czy zderzenie cywilizacji?

80%

Chojan A.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Polityczna

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2011

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nr 1-2(32-33)

151-169

EN

The article is aimed at systematizing the discussion about the Turkish membership of the European Union. The author presents the difficult historical Turkish route to the European Union, which started in the 1950s when the Turkish state joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and finished with the accession negotiations initiated in 2005. The subject matter of the analysis is also an answer to the question about the European roots of Turkey. The author discusses the location of Turkey because the literature of the topic does not explicitly define whether Turkey is in Europe or not. He also wonders whether the absence of Christianity as a major religion in Turkey is an obstacle in the process of European integration and how the Europeans will react to a larger emigration of the Muslim population. As far as the issue of Turkish membership of the European Union is concerned, the key problems are the effects of such accession. The author proposes a thesis that Turkish accession to the European Union will basically strengthen the position of big countries in the voting procedure of the Council of the European Union. However, on the other hand, Turkey will be a big burden for the European budget because it needs many reforms. The article also deals with the issue of substituting the full membership with an idea of privileged membership, which Turkey is not going to accept, and the Polish involvement in the process of Turkish accession. A discussion about Turkish accession will continue for many years. Member states’ attitudes towards Ankara’s membership of the European Union differ so much that they may form a barrier impossible to overcome.

16

Demokracja po turecku

80%

Chmielowska D. , Sobczak M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2016

|

tom 4

205-232

EN

The text is an attempt to present the democratization’s process of the Republic of Turkey. The Republic was proclaimed in 1923. In the introduction the authors recalled an earlier period, namely the second half of XIXth century, when in the Ottoman Empire had occured the ideas of constitutional order (1876). The Empire had been looking for ways and means to join the modern world following earlier examples of European monarchies.The next period- the fi rst half of XXth century – was marked by the Republic of Turkey.There are striking similarities between emerging the Republic of Turkey and the Second Polish Republic. The emergences not only took place at the same time but also had been driven by similar factors and processes. In the both cases countries were led by great personalities, who had not belonged to the core nations, which they headed to democracy. The both leaders had to face powers willing to destroy young democracies and unfriendly attitudes of the Western powers.They both also „miraculously” saved their countries when enemies’ troops were close to the capitals. After the World War II our ways to democracy were different. Today, however, we can see that the ways led in the same direction and theywere infl uenced by similar circumstances. Perhaps these circumstances have caused that the political developments in both countries are almost identical. 1. The both above mentioned leaders at the beginning of the last century made coup d’etat by military force. 2. In Poland, after WWII politicians had been under the supervision of „brotherly neighbor”. In Turkey the supervision was performed by the military. Perhaps it created longing for a new leader. 3. In both countries the roles of religion and its institutions were marginalized. Perhaps this stimulated desire for a chief motivated by the faith. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that both Poland and Turkey are looked upon by the West as countries leading in democratic transformations in their respective regions, which for obscure reasons have started to move towards an authoritarian rule. In both cases foreign observers talk about the lack of understanding of the essence of democracy, which is a consensus by the societies as well as by the ruling elites. In each state power is exercised by a single party of chieftain character and the permanent expansion of power at the expence of democratic institutions has been justified as the will of nation as a whole.

17

Prezydencja cypryjska w kontekście stosunków między Unią Europejską a Turcją

80%

Adamczyk A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2013

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nr 2

s.33-54

EN

The main aim of this article is to show how the Cyprus dispute affected the preparations and achievements of the Republic of Cyprus’s Presidency of the Council of the EU, and to present its implications with respect to the relations between Turkey and the European Union. The author discusses the essence of the Cyprus dispute, namely the occupation of the northern part of the island by Turkish armed forces. Further, he describes the influence of Cyprus’s integration with the EU on the EU–Turkey relations in the pre-Presidency period. The main part of the article focuses on the Cypriot Presidency, during which Cyprus did not entangle the other Member States in the problems of the divided island, but acted in the best interest of the entire EU. The reaction of the Turkish government, which boycotted the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, is also characterised.

18

Regions and regional planning in Turkey

80%

Karakayacı Ö.

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nr 15

33-46

EN

Region is evaluated as a spatial unit which defines the economic-social structure and in which the planning processes like determining, implementing, managing and inspecting the regional development strategies and politics changing within the scope of paradigm changes are carried out. In Turkey, experience related to regional development politics goes back to the 1960s; it has been analysed to what extent regional planning and the concept of a region are affected by the changing processes which are experienced in economic and social structure, according to which criteria the borders for regional planning are determined and the role of these borders in the success of regional politics. According to the results, being unable to provide the interaction between regional planning and the meaning attributed to the concept of a region is the main factor in the non-occurrence of the success which has been aimed in regional development politics although regional planning and the concepts of a region are affected from the paradigm changes.

19

Znaczenie Turcji dla bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej w kontekście kryzysu migracyjnego

80%

Szkudlarek M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2017

|

nr 2(363)

81-97

EN

The purpose of this paper is to verify the hypothesis that bilateral relations with Turkey will be in the near future a fundamental factor for the security of the European Union, especially in the context of the migration crisis that the European Union has been facing since 2014. Although the escalation of influx of migrants and refugees is a serious challenge both for Turkey and the EU, the final destination for hundreds of thousands of people coming from North Africa and Middle East is indeed the European Union, which naturally makes it more interested in stopping the uncontrolled stream of irregular migrants. But it is Turkey who holds the key to solving the problem, as its territory is one the most popular trails to Europe. Turkish authorities being aware of their own significance play a well thought-out diplomatic game focused on strengthening Turkey’s position towards the EU which has until today treated Turkey as an eternal candidate to membership, ready to implement ever far-reaching requirements in return for a hazy vision of future accession. The migration crisis and related risk of deep destabilization of the whole EU seems to have become a factor of change of Turkey’s position from a petitioner to a decision-maker with actual impact on European security. In order to verify this hypothesis the following methods have been applied in the research: examination of documents, institutional-legal analysis and analysis of the decision-making process. Moreover, to ensure that the analysis is comprehensive, both English and Turkish language sources have been examined.

20

Policy of the Russian Federation towards Kurds in the Syrian Conflict

80%

Bielicki P.

Securitologia

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2018

|

nr 1 (27)

33-50

EN

The main purpose of the article is to present the conditions and dependencies that characterize Russian-Kurdish relations from the beginning of the Syrian conflict. The author emphasizes the role of Kurds in the Arab world and in the global strategy of Russia. At the beginning, he follows the history of the relationship between Russia and Kurds from he Persian crisis in 1946 to 1991 and the moderate reaction of the Kremlin to the failed Kurdish uprising in Iraq in that year. He addresses the issue of Russia's return to the Middle East and its limited support for the Kurdish side in the fight against ISIS in Syria. He describes Moscow's position on the referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan, which also affects the events in Syria and contributes to the additional heating of tension. He also analyzes issues related to the latest offensive of Turkish forces in the Afrin region in Syria against Kurds. In the summary, the author signals forecasts for the future in mutual contacts and attempts to answer the question whether Moscow will want to strengthen Kurdish position in negotiations regarding the end of the Syrian conflict.