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1

Poststalinismus jako (ne)stalinský projekt modernity? : možnosti konceptuálního uchopení intelektuálních „reformních“ diskurzů v období 1956–1968

100%

Růžička J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2018

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tom 25

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nr 1-2

208-228

EN

The author deals with potential approaches to the conceptualization of post-Stalinism as a specifi c mental formation gradually born at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s as a result of the crisis of Stalinism. In doing so, he is in opposition to approaches perceiving the period after Stalin’s death as a mere de-Stalinization, or as a transition period between Stalinism and the so-called normalization in Czechoslovakia. He chose the modernity, or modernization, theory concept of German sociologist Peter Wagner and a reinterpretation of the work of Marx (or Marxism as such) by American philosopher Moishe Postone as his methodological starting points, and he introduces both of them in detail in his study. It is through this optics and dissociating himself from the theory of totalitarianism that he interprets Stalinism as a project of accelerated modernization the effi ciency of which was ensured by a centralist bureaucratic system, including its authoritarian features, better than a market economy would have done. He also attempts to infer that Stalinism was a specifi c evolution of thoughts of Marx and Lenin in given historical circumstances. After the 2nd World War, it was paradigmatically applied in other countries without taking into account their regional specifi cs, or the previous history and existing level of modernization; during the 1950s, its potential was ultimately spent. In the end, the author tries to view intellectual reform discourses in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s as a distinctive attempt to restart a specifi c version of socialist modernity. In doing so, he focuses on issues related to the notions of revolution, history, and market, and formulates some hypotheses and topics for discussion.

CS

Autor se zabývá možnými přístupy ke konceptualizaci ,,poststalinismu'' jako specifické myšlenkové formace, která se postupně rodí na přelomu padesátých a šedesátých let minulého století jako výsledek krize stalinismu. Vymezuje se přitom proti přístupům, které chápou období po Stalinově smrti jako pouhou destalinizaci, respektive jako přechodné období mezi stalinismem a takzvanou normalizací v Československu. Za své metodologické východisko si zvolil koncepci teorie modernity, respektive modernizace německého sociologa Petera Wagnera, jakož i reinterpretaci Marxova díla (a marxismu jako takového) v podání amerického filozofa Moisheho Postona, které zde podrobněji přibližuje. V této optice a v distanci od teorie totalitarismu poté interpretuje stalinismus jako projekt urychlené modernizace, jehož efektivitu zajišťoval centralistický byrokratický systém včetně jeho autoritářských rysů lépe než tržní ekonomika. Snaží se také dovodit, že stalinismus byl specifickým rozvinutím Marxových a Leninových myšlenek vzhledem k daným historickým okolnostem. Po druhé světové válce byl paradigmaticky aplikován v dalších zemích, aniž by byla jakkoli zohledněna jejich regionální specifika, minulý průběh modernizace a stávající úroveň, načež se během padesátých let jeho potenciál vyčerpal. Nakonec se autor snaží nahlížet intelektuální reformní diskurzy šedesátých let v Československu jako svébytný pokus o nové nastartování specifické verze socialistické modernity. Soustředí se přitom na problémové okruhy spjaté s pojmy revoluce, dějin a trhu a formuluje určité hypotézy a diskusní teze.

2

The “Gryfice Scandal” In Poznań - Dealing with Abuses Committed in the Process of Establishing Cooperative Farms in the Poznań Region

80%

Jankowiak S.

Studia Historiae Oeconomicae

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2017

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tom 35

61-79

EN

Several years after the war, a revolution started in the Polish agriculture - even though until 1948, the authorities claimed that farms in Poland would not be collectivized. The new stage meant that things accelerated quickly. Central party authorities determined the number of cooperatives to be established per year in a top-down manner. The Poznań region was considered particularly opposed to the system, hence the pressure to establish cooperative farms was particularly intense. The quick pace of the operation and accountability of the party officials for its results meant that they often resorted to prohibited methods of forcing resistant individuals to enter into cooperatives. Though party guidelines emphasized that the process was voluntary, and formally banned any form of pressure, various forms of power abuse were tolerated in practice. Only when the situation rapidly escalated into scandals, the authorities stigmatized the illegal methods. However, after a while, the situation returned to normal, and the anomalies reoccurred. The problem was that the principles of the operation were flawed. One of the party activists claimed that establishing cooperatives according to the guidelines would have taken 200 years to complete. Farmers had to be coerced, otherwise they would never have joined cooperatives. Most cooperative farms established this way collapsed in 1956.

3

Soupeření centra a regionů ve stalinském Sovětském svazu od počátku 30. let do konce „velkého teroru“ v roce 1938

80%

Litera B.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2013

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tom 21

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nr 1

123-145

EN

The history of relations between the center and the particular regions during one of the vital periods following the first Five-Year-Plan (1932) until the end of the “great terror” late in 1938 is discussed. It was a short period of certain stabilization after the preceding chaos produced by the Stalinist transformation of the country in the early 1930s until the end of unprecedented terror of 1937–1938. Much attention is paid to the key moments in the center-vs.-regions relations and the author shows that the regional officials were always able to resist the centralization policy of Moscow by applying a variety of strategies and procedures. This changed with the launch of “great terror” in 1937–38 and the regions with their officials mostly turned to willing executors of the orders coming from Moscow. The terror also aimed at the existing regional officials at all levels, who were replaced by a new generation, fully dependent on Stalin. The regime also started using terror as one of the main tools of controlling the state and society.

4

Research Project «Contemporary European historiography of Stalinism: Tradition and new research strategies for Central and Eastern Europe»

80%

Menkouski V. , Šmigeľ M.

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tom 17

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nr 1-2

363-371

EN

The methodological basis of the study are scientific principles of historicism, the systematic and comprehensive approach to the subject. The principle of historicism requires the study of theories and models of European authors consider the intellectual and methodological back-ground and conditions for the formation of the analyzed approaches. In the interpretation of concepts tailored to the particular author's intention, political and historiographical situation in which created analyzed historiographical sources. In the development of the research topic the author used a systematic approach involving the study of the national (regional) historiography as an integrated system where all the directions and trends related, perform specific functions and take the necessary space in the structure of the system. The development of the integrated system and its influencing factors are the focus of historiographical research. The principle of comprehensiveness is based on the effects on problem-theoretical content and the development of historical science as immanent and external social, political and general scientific factors.

5

POLISH RADIO ON THE BACKGROUND OF SYSTEMIC CHANGES IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1945-1956

80%

Kazimierski Z. , Mielnik M.

International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences

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2019

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tom 9(1)

415-424

EN

The Polish Radio began its activity on the first of February 1925. On this day the first program of the Polish Radio technical Society was broadcasted. From then on, the radio accompanied Polish people in good and bad times. The years 1946 – 1956 were not so glorious. At that time, Polish radio became the propaganda tool for the PPR and from December 1949 the PZPR. These parties, mainly under the slogans of the reconstruction of the country from war damage and the struggle for peace, sought to Stalinize Poland on the model of the USSR. While studying those times, it should be stated that information and publication hardly existed because it was replaced by a hypocritical, brutal and intrusive propaganda. However, history of Polish Radio in those years should not only been described in critical way. At that time, many very important and socially necessary initiatives took place. Since the first year after regaining independence, more and more new broadcast stations have been launched in various regions of Poland. New programs were broad-casting more and more often, such as "Muzyka i Aktualności", in which various mes-sages were given with ease, interwoven with modern jazz music.

6

Stalinization, de-Stalinization,and re-Stalinization.1953 behind the “Iron Curtain”

80%

Opulski R.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

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tom 9

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nr 2

25-39

EN

The aim of the article is to present the changesthattook place after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 in the Soviet Union and in somecountriesincluded in its “externalempire”. The “Iron Curtain”, which divided the worldintotwoparts, began to shiftafter the Generalissimo’sdeath and revealed differences in the approach of individualcountries to the „newcourse” announced by Stalin’ssuccessors. In somecountries, the death of the Kremlindictatorbeganchanges in the policy of the time, in others the methodscharacteristic of Stalinismwerecontinued, whichmeant the activity of anall-powerfulapparatus of repressionseeking real and imagined “enemies”, the central authority of unlimitedpower with mass terror and striving for totalcontrol of citizens and allmanifestations of social life. The textpresents the most importantelements of the policy of the Communistparties in the Soviet Union, GDR, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria in 1953 whichwereconsistent with the process of re-Stalinization, characterized by similarity to governmentsduring the dictator’s life and de-Stalinization, thatis, the reversals of methods and toolsknown in the Stalinism period.

7

Actions against the Catholic Church in Polish People’s Republic till 1953

80%

Dziurok A.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

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tom 9

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nr 2

41-52

EN

In the years 1944–1948, the authorities of communist Poland, for tactical reasons abstained from direct attacks on the Catholic Church. After the establishment of the authorities’ structures and once the political opposition and armed forces underground were defeated, systematic restriction on the influence of the Church begun. Back then, the Catholic Church was the only independent social institution in the country. What was attacked then was, among others, religious education in schools (religious education, crosses and catechists were removed from schools, Catholic education was limited), catholic organisations, charitable and care activities of the Church (at the beginning of 1950, the state took over “Caritas” and kindergartens, children’s homes, hospitals were taken from the Church) as well as publishing activities (Catholic press releases were being restricted). The repressions were hindered by the signature of the Church-State Agreement in April 1950. When in 1952, the activities aimed at the removal of religious education from schools were intensified, several dozens of theological seminaries were dissolved and some of the boarding-schools run by the Church were taken over, then Primate Stefan Wyszyński defined the relations between the Church and the State as a “state of emergency”.

8

Stalinization, de-Stalinization, and re-Stalinization. 1953 behind the “Iron Curtain”

71%

Opulski R.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

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tom 9

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nr 2

PL

The aim of the article is to present the changesthattook place after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 in the Soviet Union and in somecountriesincluded in its “externalempire”. The “Iron Curtain”, which divided the worldintotwoparts, began to shiftafter the Generalissimo’sdeath and revealed differences in the approach of individualcountries to the „newcourse” announced by Stalin’ssuccessors.In somecountries, the death of the Kremlindictatorbeganchanges in the policy of the time, in others the methodscharacteristic of Stalinismwerecontinued, whichmeant the activity of anall-powerfulapparatus of repressionseeking real and imagined “enemies”, the central authority of unlimitedpower with mass terror and striving for totalcontrol of citizens and allmanifestations of social life. The textpresents the most importantelements of the policy of the Communistparties in the Soviet Union, GDR, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria in 1953 whichwereconsistent with the process of re-Stalinization, characterized by similarity to governmentsduring the dictator’s life and de-Stalinization, thatis, the reversals of methods and toolsknown in the Stalinism period.

9

The Stalinist Trial of Bishop Czesław Kaczmarek, the Ordinary of the Diocese of Kielce

71%

Domański T.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

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tom 9

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nr 2

PL

The Kielce Bishop Czesław Kaczmarek is rightly considered one of the martyrs of the Catholic Church in Poland during the Stalinist era. He was the only bishop to be tried by the communist authorities. The allegations of cooperation with Germany and spying for the US were propaganda and nothing to do with the truth. For several years, the bishop had been kept in prison and was subjected to a brutal investigation. The authorities also imprisoned a number of priests and nuns. The Kaczmarek trial, as shown by events in the courtroom, was directed not only against him but against the entire Church in Poland and the Vatican. The communist authorities did not cease their repressions against the Kielce ordinary, after 1956, seeing in Czesław Kaczmarek a determined enemy of the system.

10

Actions against the Catholic Church in Polish People’s Republic till 1953

71%

Dziurok A.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

|

tom 9

|

nr 2

PL

In the years 1944–1948, the authorities of communist Poland, for tactical reasons abstained from direct attacks on the Catholic Church. After the establishment of the authorities’ structures and once the political opposition and armed forces underground were defeated, systematic restriction on the influence of the Church begun. Back then, the Catholic Church was the only independent social institution in the country. What was attacked then was, among others, religious education in schools (religious education, crosses and catechists were removed from schools, Catholic education was limited), catholic organisations, charitable and care activities of the Church (at the beginning of 1950, the state took over “Caritas” and kindergartens, children’s homes, hospitals were taken from the Church) as well as publishing activities (Catholic press releases were being restricted). The repressions were hindered by the signature of the Church-State Agreement in April 1950. When in 1952, the activities aimed at the removal of religious education from schools were intensified, several dozens of theological seminaries were dissolved and some of the boarding-schools run by the Church were taken over, then Primate Stefan Wyszyński defined the relations between the Church and the State as a “state of emergency”.

11

Slovanský přehled a jeho přínos k interpretaci dějin Sovětského svazu. Proměny výzkumu od konce 50. let do nástupu normalizace

70%

Voráček E.

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tom 101

|

nr 3

529-559

EN

The aim of this study is to evaluate the material published on the pages of the Slavonic Review from the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1970s, including the broader contexts of research into the Soviet Union and Russian history of the 20th century, and the various reflections and interpretations of it. At the same time, broader contexts, particularly the political ones that naturally had a significant influence upon the journal’s publishing policies, are also analyzed. Not only what was published, but also the authors’ formulations, concepts, and the quality of the work all, naturally, reflected their period, which here means the commencement of the normalization era again that again brought an officially-mandated heavily ideologized editorial policy. Just as the atmosphere in Czechoslovakia transformed, so too did the content journal and the requirements for the quality of its writing, and these transformations were all the more apparent in essays dedicated to research into Soviet history, which we could classify with the term “Sovietology”. It was only in the middle of the 1960s that any change was registered in the scope of Soviet-themed essays, their quality was significantly enhanced, and they reflected the contemporary state of the art for research, encompassing subjects that corresponded with modern research trends in the world. With regard to the expanded horizons of information available these essays also reflect the results of Western research and not only for use in criticizing bourgeois Sovietology.

12

Wielka Wojna Ojczyźniana – bilans wykluczenia

70%

Wojtkowiak J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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nr 2(355)

207-216

EN

The article deals with the problem of exclusion and repression of whole social groups by the Stalinist regime during the so called Great Patriotic War. It purports to show that Stalin and his milieu tried to consolidate a majority of the society by means of excluding and subjecting to repressions arbitrarily chosen social groups, seeking in this way to reduce the threat posed by instant successes of the German army in the war against the USSR. The first such group comprised Red Army soldiers who surrendered to the Germans and were prisoners of war – they were declared traitors and so their families were to suffer repressions. Another group consisted of the national minorities residing in the Soviet Union - in 1941 those were Germans and later during the liberation of the country from German occupation it meant whole nations whose representatives collaborated with the German occupants. The author argues that contrary to the claims of the Russian propaganda, victory in the war was not treated by Stalin as the victory of all the Soviet Union citizens.

13

Październik 1956 roku w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Sopocie i Wyższej Szkole Pedagogicznej w Gdańsku

70%

Bień D.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2024

|

tom 1(41)

127-159

EN

The Higher School of Economics in Sopot and the Higher School of Pedagogy in Gdansk were universities established just after World War II and strongly ideologized in the 1950s. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the events that took place during the October transition at both universities and also to identify the changes these events led to at party meetings. The introduction discusses the history of the WSE in Sopot and the WSE in Gdansk from the time of their establishment until 1956 and outlines the elements of ideological pressure applied to employees and students. An analysis of the minutes of university bodies (staff meetings, Senates) and party bodies at the universities (POP and KU PZPR) and above the universities (KM PZPR in Sopot, KW PZPR in Gdansk), memoirs of students and employees, and newspaper articles were used to achieve the goal. The changes that took place at the universities were primarily concerned with democratization, greater openness in discussion (while remaining faithful to broad Marxist ideology), changes in the conceptual instrumentarium and criticism of both the USSR and national and university authorities. Virtually all groups comprising the WSE and WSP academic community were involved in the 1956 changes, albeit to varying degrees and in different forms. Employees were more involved at meetings of university and party committees, while students were involved at rallies and in the forums of youth organizations.

14

TRUDNA RZECZYWISTOŚĆ. LISTY WŁADYSŁAWA TARNAWSKIEGO Z WIĘZIENIA DO RODZINY (LATA 1947-1948)

70%

Pudłocki T.

Rocznik Przemyski

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2015

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tom 51

|

nr 2(19): Literatura i Język

111-124

EN

The publication includes several so-far unknown letters sent by Władysław Tarnawski from prison to his family. It is valuable inasmuch as little has remained from the epistolary legacy of the Przemyśl-born Polish expert in Shakespeare. Due to censorship, Tarnawski describes mainly his living conditions, inquires about family matters and asks to be sent books and stationery. Despite health problems and bad working conditions, while in prison, he continued translating English literature into Polish and he wanted to have as intense contact with knowledge as possible through books.

15

Foreign Residents in Warsaw, 1945–1956

70%

Kochanowski J.

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tom 110

EN

Although it was not before 1989 that Warsaw gradually became a genuinely multiethnic environment, a group of aliens had inhabited the city in 1945–89. Somewhat paradoxically, the Polish capital city’s foreigner landscape proved to be the most variegated, diverse and vivid in the first post-war decade. The Russians, Germans, Englishmen, Frenchmen, or Italians already residing in Warsaw were joined, as part of post-war voluntary and forced (political-refugee) migration, by nationals of Spain, Greece, Korea, Persia, Yugoslavia, or even Canada. The article shows the ways along which they reached Poland and Warsaw, and the various aspects of everyday life of those aliens: work, assimilation, and political entanglements.

16

Mała biblioteka i wielka polityka (o książce Daniela Koteluka „Papierowa propaganda” w bibliotece w osadzie wiejskiej Czerwieńsk w powiecie zielonogórskim od 1949 do 1956 roku)

70%

Nieć G.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia ad Bibliothecarum Scientiam Pertinentia

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2017

|

tom 15

412-416

EN

Review article of the book by Daniela Koteluka pt. „Papierowa propaganda” w bibliotecew osadzie wiejskiej Czerwieńsk w powiecie zielonogórskim od 1949 do 1956 roku, Zielona Góra:Pro Libris 2016, ISBN 978–8364393–23–5, p. 184, 14 il.

17

Totalitaryzm i terminy pokrewne w naukach społecznych oraz w polskim języku prawnym i prawniczym

70%

Izdebski H.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2016

|

tom 38

|

nr 4

31-44

EN

The question how to study the historical phenomenon of totalitarianism is one of the most important questions raised, and examined, by Professor Maria Zmierczak, who has noted a danger of instrumentalisation of the concept, in particular in the post-communist countries. The article concerns such danger in making and applying the Polish law, as totalitarianism and its derivations have been in use in the juristic language since the beginning of the 1990s and put into legislative texts, since the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Article 13 of the Constitution declares that “Shall be prohibited political parties and other organisations whose programmes are based upon totalitarian methods and the modes of activity of nazism, fascism and communism”. That formula was, on the one hand, an effect and condemnation of the difficult experience of the past, in particular of the period of the “People’s Poland”, and, on the other hand, it opened the room for official, legal qualification of the recent past, in the situation of a dispute among specialists in social sciences over communism in Poland, in particular whether it ended in 1956 or lasted until 1989/1990. In the resolution of 2 April 2009, the European Parliament warned against imposing of a given political interpretation of history by parliaments. Nevertheless, in Poland such imposing, seeming to exceed the natural need to impose sanctions on those who infringed citizen’s rights in the previous time, has taken place, and it substantially grows in the present time. On the other hand, the concept of totalitarianism and its derivations seems to be less and less in use in the juristic language, i.e. that of lawyers (including judges), orienting rather on a prudent language of science than that more and more radical of the political majority, and, therefore, of the law.

18

НОМЕНКЛАТУРНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА ЦК ВКП(Б) В 1939–1948 ГГ.

70%

Boldovskiy K. , Pivovarov N.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2018

|

nr 32

104-125

EN

The article analyzes a nomenclature policy of the VKP(b) Central Committee during the World War II and the early postwar period. As the key sources the authors study following documents: lists of nomenclature positions, reports about changes in the number of positions, information on the composition and number of executives and another documents created in the Central Committee of the VKP(b). This paper briefly explores the dynamics of the quantity of nomenclature, the internal and external factors that determined the growth and decline of nomenclature positions. The greatest increase in nomenclature positions occurred in 1939–1941, when the nomenclature of the Central Committee included almost all significant positions in the USSR at that time. During the war between the USSR and Nazi Germany, a reverse trend was indicated. It was a sharp decline in the posts of nomenclature. This decline was caused by the occupation of Soviet territories and the reduction in the party's control over state structures. Separately, the article analyzes the personnel reform of 1946–1948, undertaken by the Secretary of the VKP(b) A.A. Kuznetsov. This article offers the reasons for the failure of this reform.

19

Pułapki (nie)pamięci. Przedstawienia GUŁagu w kulturze XXI wieku: literatura, film i sztuka

70%

Artwińska A.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

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2020

|

nr 19

381-389

EN

The subject of the article is the review of the book “Inwiefern ist das heute inter-essant?” Erinnerungen an den stalinistischen Gulag im 21. Jahrhundert by the German literary scholar Nina Friess (2016), which is dealing with the contemporary Russian memory of the Gulag. The goal is to show how the author interprets and contextualizes memory practices in today’s Russia and which texts are crucial for her as manifestations of these remembering strategies (and forgetting as well). Reading this book allows to form the thesis that the extreme experience of the Soviet camps is still a controversial issue in the Russian culture and that the memory of it is full of gaps and empty spaces, even though at the same time this subject increasinly finds its way into popular cultural (graphic novels and crime thrillers).

20

The Research Program on the Beginnings of the Polish State between Polish Western Thought and Historical Materialism : Structural Developments and Political Reorientation

60%

Reichenbach K.

Przegląd Archeologiczny

|

2017

|

tom 65

19-34

EN

Focussing on the development of organizational infrastructures, financial constitutions as well as staffing policies of the research program on the beginnings of the Polish state and discussing them in relation to the political framework of post-war Poland, this paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the general preconditions and requirements. Presenting information from archival documents and a close reading of the steps and forms archaeological contributions to the millennial theme have taken, it tries to retrace the development of its thematic and conceptual orientation. This development is presented here as reorientation from a starting point within the realm of the Poznań intellectual centre and thus the Polish Western Thought towards a Warsovian centralization and the implementation of Marxist methodology and, officially at least, Stalinist ideology.