Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

General Overview of the Three-dimensional Architectural Models as Acroteria in Medieval Georgia

100%

Chitishvili N.

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tom 11

531-548

EN

Medieval architecture of the South Caucasus developed a unique tradition of making acroteria shaped as three-dimensional models of churches. Since the church-shaped acroteria have never been thoroughly explored in Georgia, this paper focuses on examples surviving in the region. Special attention is paid to analyzing the architectural and sculptural aspects of the acroteria, as well as their function. This paper aims at discussing both the formal and functional aspects of the church-shaped acroteria from Georgia. It is intended to explore what kind of church models were usually created in Georgia, how they were designed, and to what extent they resemble or differ from the real architecture. Typically, the model erected on the top of the gables of a church was made of stone, though glazed ceramic acroterion can be found as well, such as that of the Alaverdi Cathedral in Georgia. As the research has shown, the models do not replicate real architecture; they represent abridged images of actual buildings, repeating only their general layout (cross-domed or, rarely, single-nave structure) and a selected number of elements that were evidently considered essential or were typical elements of the architectural repertoire of the period in which the acroterion were created.

2

Treaty on Open Skies in a regional context: The implications of the US and the Russia’s decisions to withdraw from the treaty for the security of South Caucasus and Georgia

86%

Suwara E. M.

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tom 57

140-158

EN

The Treaty on Open Skies has been an important legal instrument contributing to global arms control in recent years. Signed in 1992, the Treaty on Open Skies allows the monitoring and collection of data on military potential through observation flights over one another’s territories, thus becoming a confidencebuilding and transparency measure among its signatories. The recent decisions by the US and Russia to withdraw from this agreement impact the security situation globally and regionally. They reflect a gradual erosion of the architecture of arms control that has been introduced since the end of the Cold War. Georgia remains the only state in the South Caucasus to be a signatory to this Treaty. It is also the only state in the region to remain (since 2008) in a conflict with Russia. While striving to join the EU and NATO, it lies on the land of strategic importance to Russia and other regional and global players. The main objective of this publication is to discuss the importance of the Treaty on Open Skies, considering its specificity from a regional perspective, and to assess the implications of the withdrawals of the US and Russia from the Treaty on security in Georgia and in the South Caucasus. Using a descriptive approach and legal-political analysis, the author discusses the creation, functioning, and causes of the breakdown of this legal-institutional system, while looking at its importance for global arms control and security related consequences it may trigger for the region. A closer look at the South Caucasus highlights the author’s belief in the Treaty’s critical role in the region and the importance of preserving its existence.

3

South Caucasus in the Foregin Policy of the Russian Federation. Do Doctrinal Assumptions Translate into Reality?

86%

Kardaś J.

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2016

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nr 9

105-115

EN

Russian policy in South Caucasus is not a fully effective policy, as Russia’s actions towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are dominated by bilateral relations rather than a single, coherent strategy towards the region. The policy towards these countries also bears the hallmarks of an imperial policy, since it boils down to rewards (in the political, economic or military sphere) for cooperation, or punishments for any action against Russian interests. In addition to enhancing bilateral relations, Russia makes efforts (in accordance with documents issued by official bodies) to integrate the CIS area, of course including the Trans-Caucasus, under its leadership. But it comes up short in these efforts, because not all the Caucasus countries are interested in Russian-led economic integration (within the Eurasian Economic Union), or political and military integration (within CIS, CSTO).

4

Rusko, Turecko a Írán v náhorně-karabašské válce (1992–1994)

72%

Souleimanov E.

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tom 99

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nr 1-2

101-118

EN

This article is an attempt to explore the roles played by three key regional powers in the Armenian-Azerbaijani war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region that was raging on in the period of 1992–1994. The article holds that it was the significance of Azerbaijan as a crucial producer of oil and natural gas from its deposits in the Caspian Sea, that along with the presence of a huge Azerbaijani minority in Iran's northwest shaped the policies of the regional powers toward the Karabakh conflict, and their stance to Yerevan and Baku that contributed to Azerbaijan's eventual defeat in the war.

5

Konflikt w Górskim Karabachu – implikacje dla bezpieczeństwa Republiki Azerbejdżanu

72%

Misiągiewicz J.

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tom 70

196-209

EN

The aim of the study is to analyze the specifics of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and its implications for the security of Azerbaijan. Thus, the genesis of the conflict, its subject and the peace process were determined. Azerbaijan saw the Karabakh conflict as a threat to its territorial integrity and independence, as well as its international role. The agreement of November 2020 can be treated as a success for Azerbaijan, as it legally sanctions the incorporation of most of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

PL

Celem opracowania jest analiza specyfiki konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu oraz jego implikacji dla bezpieczeństwa Azerbejdżanu. Określono tym samym genezę konfliktu, jego przedmiot oraz proces pokojowy. Azerbejdżan postrzegał konflikt karabaski jako zagrażający jego integralności terytorialnej i niepodległości oraz roli międzynarodowej. Porozumienie z listopada 2020 roku można traktować jako sukces polityki Azerbejdżanu, gdyż sankcjonuje prawnie przyłączenie większości terytorium Górskiego Karabachu.

6

Pomoc rozwojowa w polityce zagranicznej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Przykład Kaukazu Południowego

72%

Koźbiał K.

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nr 4

157-171

EN

The Swiss Confederation, as a neutral state, is forced to apply in its foreign policy instruments classified as the so-called soft power. One of them is development assistance granted to less developed countries, also undergoing the period of political transition. An example of this type of Swiss activities is the assistance to the countries of the South Caucasus, resulting, inter alia, from historical contacts, in modern times initiated as part of humanitarian aid after the earthquake in 1988. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are supported as part of strategic plans by both the Swiss state and private donors. Switzerland also successfully plays the role of a mediator: in the Georgian-Russian and Turkish-Armenian dispute.

PL

Konfederacja Szwajcarska, jako państwo neutralne o niewielkich rozmiarach, zmuszona jest do stosowania w swej polityce zagranicznej instrumentów zaliczanych do tzw. soft power. Jednym z nich jest pomoc rozwojowa, udzielana państwom słabiej rozwiniętym, także znajdującym się w stanie tranzycji ustrojowej. Przykładem tego rodzaju działań jest pomoc Szwajcarii dla państw Kaukazu Południowego, wynikająca m.in. z historycznych kontaktów, a w czasach współczesnych rozpoczęta w ramach pomocy humanitarnej po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1988 r. Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja wspierane są w ramach planów strategicznych zarówno przez państwo szwajcarskie, jak i prywatnych donatorów. Oprócz tego Szwajcaria z powodzeniem pełni rolę mediatora w sporze gruzińsko-rosyjskim i turecko-armeńskim.

7

Rola geopolityki w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Polski i państw Kaukazu południowego na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

58%

Kostun M. A. , Stawarz P.

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2013

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nr 3(29)

76-98

PL

W artykule podkreślono istotę analizy uwarunkowań geopolitycznych wybierając strategię polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa państw. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny, Polska, Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja, będące u podstaw budowania demokracji oraz przy trudnych uwarunkowaniach wewnętrznych, podjęły ambitne działania polityczne, mające na celu zabezpieczenie najwyższego interesu państwa – bezpieczeństwa narodowego. W pierwszej części tekstu przedstawiono zarys kształtowania się polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Polski po rozpadzie bloku sowieckiego. W tekście określono wpływ uwarunkowań geopolitycznych dla polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. W części drugiej przedstawiono uwarunkowania geopolityczne Kaukazu oraz ich wypływ na politykę zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji, w tym podobieństwa i różnice, prognozy dotyczące sytuacji geopolitycznej regionu oraz najważniejsze czynniki mogące warunkować zmiany.

EN

The article highlights the importance of analysis of the geopolitical context in the development of a state’s comprehensive foreign and security policy strategy in the case of Poland, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. At the end of the Cold War, Poland and the mentioned countries of the South Caucasus, while laying the foundations of democracy in harsh domestic political environments, adapted and implemented ambitious policies aimed at securing the highest interest of a state - national security. The first part of the article presents a concise overview of Poland’s foreign and security policy strategy after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, describing it from a geopolitical perspective. The second part of the article presents an overview of geopolitical conditions of the South Caucasus region and their impact on foreign and security policies of its countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. This part reveals similarities and differences of the geopolitical issues between these countries, contains thoughts on the emerging geopolitical situation in the region, and identifies geopolitical factors, which may affect change in that regard.