According to some authors, the traditional geopolitics can be seen as a tool to legitimize the expansion of powerful states. Tsarist Russia was in the 19th century undoubtedly one such powerful state. This paper deals with the geopolitical ideas that originated in Russia before the 19th century and its aim is to analyze the ways in which the expansion of the state in the 19th century can be interpreted, using the ideas of geopolitics.
Artykuł wskazuje na najbardziej reprezentatywne teksty kultury oraz opinie intelektualistów serbskich XX wieku, które ukształtowały (częściowo na wcześniejszych podstawach) nurt antyokcydentalny. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono okresowi międzywojennemu i opiniom utrwalającym antytezę Serbia – (Slavia) – Europa, a wyrastającym głównie ze zaktualizowanej wówczas rosyjskiej myśli słowianofilskiej. Jej podstawowy (w wersji mesjanistyczno-misjonistycznej) topos Europy – „zgniłego Zachodu” został w tym stadium rozwojowym skompilowany z konceptami serbskich organicystów. Wyraziste antyeuropejskie i szerzej antyokcydentalne refleksy znaleźć można w wielu ówczesnych próbach redefinicji tradycji rodzimej, ale także w nowszych, aktualizujących je opiniach reprezentantów serbskiego świata intelektualnego z końca lat 90. XX wieku. W wielu z omawianych ujęć tradycja ta postrzegana jest jako „nieeuropejska” bądź stanowiąca syntezę wątków kulturowych Wschodu i Zachodu, czy też emanację idei wszechsłowiańskiej.
EN
The article presents the most representative texts of culture and opinions of Serbian intellectuals of the 20th century, which formed the trend of anti-Occidentalism (partly based on earlier foundations). It focuses on the mid-war period and the opinions that strengthen the antithesis Serbia – (Slavia) – Europe, rooted mostly in a modernized (at the time) version of the Russian Slavophile thought. It juxtaposes a basic topos of Europe (in the messianic and missionary version) as “the rotten West” with the concepts of Serbian organicists. Clear anti-European and anti-Western reflections can be found in many contemporary attempts to redefine the native tradition and also in more modern, updated opinions of Serbian intellectuals active at the end of the 1990s. In many opinions under discussion this tradition is seen as “un-European”, as being a synthesis of cultural motifs of the East and the West or as the emanation of the Pan-Slavonic idea.
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The interpretation of Master Jan Hus has gone through significant changes in the Orthodox environment over the last 600 years. He was viewed as one of the initiators of the world’s Reformation movement in the 16th and 17th centuries. He was strictly condemned for this reason during this period in the writings of Russian Orthodox authors (as well as Luther, Calvin and Zwingli). The first radical change to this opinion occurred in the 19th century. Hus is portrayed in the writings of Slavophile authors as completely or almost entirely Orthodox. This understanding was resumed in renewed Czech Orthodox Church. It even resulted in a request for the canonization of Hus sent to the Russian Holy Synod in 1903 although the Russian Holy Synod did not respond to the question concerning Hus’ holiness. The Czech-Moravian Church of Saint Bishop Gorazd had a similarly ambiguous and cautious stance on Hus. This is also suggested by the liturgical texts for the feast day of 6th July and the prayer book entitled Lidový sborník. There are certain supporters of Hus’ canonization at present although their position is not particularly strong.
Artykuł powstał z inspiracji rozprawą Andrzeja Walickiego W kręgu konserwatywnej utopii. Struktura i przemiany rosyjskiego słowianofilstwa (1964). Polski historyk idei poddawał opisywane przez siebie światopoglądy wnikliwej analizie, wskazując na podobieństwa ideowe różnych myślicieli. Niniejszy tekst przedstawia koncepcje rosyjskiego neosłowianofilstwa i zachodniego tradycjonalizmu (J. Evola, R. Guénon, P. Sorokin). Autor artykułu opisuje założenia konserwatyzmu i utopii tradycjonalistycznej, które charakteryzuje walka z racjonalizmem, indywidualizmem, liberalizmem i kapitalizmem.
The aim of this paper is to compare views on human nature as held by Karl Marx and Ivan Kireevsky. Despite the fact that Marx and Kireevsky expounded two totally different philosophical world views (such as slavophilia and dialectical materialism), both can be described as socialists: one scientific, the other utopian or religious one. In this regard, it turns out that some elements of their concepts of a human being are rather common. Both of them thought that man achieves his “completeness” or “integrality” in community, not by exclusively private efforts. Kireevsky envisioned his community as an Orthodox commune, while Marx his as a classless society. Analysis shows that both anthropological concepts were more reflecting of their utopian visions than any working social model.
The Slavonic theme was one of the important motifs in the reflection present in the Polish literature of the 19th century. It appeared in literary works, in journalism, and in literary criticism – taken up in several contexts: historiosophical, esthetic and political ones. Questions and controversies connected with it were formulated as early as the beginning of Romanticism in Kazimierz Brodziński’s and Zorian Dołęga Chodakowski’s treatises, and the Paris lectures on Slavic literature delivered by Adam Mickiewicz (1840-1844) were the most complete development of the subject. The motif can be found in works of every Polish writer belonging to the Romantic epoch. The present article both outlines the whole panorama and points to particular aspects of the Polish thought about Slavism and attempts to give an answer to the question about what position Norwid’s reflection has against this background, as in his works Slavic motifs with different intensity are present from the end of the 1840s to the last years of his life (the poem The Slav written in 1882). It points to both similarities to Brodziński’s, Mickiewicz’s, and Krasiński’s thought, and to an original character of Norwid’s reflection resulting first of all from the ever present in Norwid’s works tendency to confront Slavism with the Christian universalism. The values from the perspective of which Norwid takes up the subject are: freedom and hope understood not only in the political meaning, but also in the existential and religious sense. Such a view allowed the poet to avoid Slavophil tones and to maintain distrust of Pan-Slavism as a political doctrine. Analyses of Norwid’s works listed in the chronological order reveal the evolution of the poet’s ideological position: from hopes of a philosopher of history to doubts of an ironist. They also emphasized a multitude of aspects of this subject that are connected with the variety of ways to talk about it. Slavic motifs appear in dramatic mysteries (Wanda, Krakus) and in poems (e.g. The Song of Our Land, Chopin’s Piano, The Slav), in poetic treatises (Bondage, About Freedom of Speech), in discussions and letters.
The Slavonic theme was one of the important motifs in the reflection present in the Polish literature of the 19th century. It appeared in literary works, in journalism, and in literary criticism – taken up in several contexts: historiosophical, esthetic and political ones. Questions and controversies connected with it were formulated as early as the beginning of Romanticism in Kazimierz Brodziński’s and Zorian Dołęga Chodakowski’s treatises, and the Paris lectures on Slavic literature delivered by Adam Mickiewicz (1840-1844) were the most complete development of the subject. The motif can be found in works of every Polish writer belonging to the Romantic epoch. The present article both outlines the whole panorama and points to particular aspects of the Polish thought about Slavism and attempts to give an answer to the question about what position Norwid’s reflection has against this background, as in his works Slavic motifs with different intensity are present from the end of the 1840s to the last years of his life (the poem The Slav written in 1882). It points to both similarities to Brodziski’s, Mickiewicz’s, and Krasiński’s thought, and to an original character of Norwid’s reflection resulting first of all from the ever present in Norwid’s works tendency to confront Slavism with the Christian universalism. The values from the perspective of which Norwid takes up the subject are: freedom and hope understood not only in the political meaning, but also in the existential and religious sense. Such a view allowed the poet to avoid Slavophil tones and to maintain distrust of Pan-Slavism as a political doctrine. Analyses of Norwid’s works listed in the chronological order reveal the evolution of the poet’s ideological position: from hopes of a philosopher of history to doubts of an ironist. They also emphasized a multitude of aspects of this subject that are connected with the variety of ways to talk about it. Slavic motifs appear in dramatic mysteries (Wanda, Krakus) and in poems (e.g. The Song of Our Land, Chopin’s Piano, The Slav), in poetic treatises (Bondage, About Freedom of Speech), in discussions and letters.
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