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EN
The paper defends two assumptions in Burge's externalist argument against materialism. One assumption is that the content of a belief is determined by the rules that govern its expression in a shared language. Hence, I call this principle linguistic socialism. According to the other assumption, a belief survives as long as it keeps its content. Content is regarded here as essential to a belief, so I call this principle semantic essentialism. The critics of socialism such as Davidson and Bilgrami reject it in favour of individualism, claiming that mental content is independent of conventionally fixed meaning. The opponents of essentialism such as Gibbons prefer accidentalism, arguing that content is inessential to a belief. I argue that individualism and accidentalism contradict empirical facts and modal intuitions about belief ascription, respectively.
EN
Edward Abramowski (1868-1918) was a Polish socialist thinker whose ideas became timely again after the welfare state crisis in the West and the collapse of communism in the East Europe. His political theory was based on strong assumption that socialism is an economic and moral ideal which can be achieved only without the state interference. The latter as territorially organized legal coercion contradicts individual freedom, innovation, solidarity and social development. An expression of that perspective was a strategy of restraining state and bureaucracy by politics and by development of consumer cooperative movement. All spontaneous social activity was admired by Abramowski, but he emphasized economic potential of cooperatives which can lead to all-embracing anticapitalist social organization. He pointed out weaknesses of social democracy and communism especially their excessive faith in state organized economy and society which leads in practice to despotism and not to human emancipation. Abramowski's antistatism, his support for mobilization of civil society in economic activity and emphasis on ethical dimension of social change are responsible for the timeliness of his thought in contemporary discussions about social employment, social economy, social responsibility of business and cooperative movement's perspectives in Poland.
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Content available remote Rewolucja „Solidarności” (1980-1981). Punkty zwrotne
80%
EN
A wave of strikes in the summer of 1980 and which were the consequence of the birth of "Solidarity" was an event that many historians and political scientists considers appropriate beginning the agony of the system of real socialism in Central and Eastern Europe. not is no, and probably will not be complete agreement as to which factor played a the most important role in the birth of the largest social movement in the past Polish history.
EN
A fast devastation of natural environment, wasteful exploitation of natural resources and accumulation of technological dangers is now taking place on the global scale. It seems to be impossible to counter-act these processes without executing a controlled slow down of economic growth and scientific-technological development. In this article the author examines the possibilities to limit growth in socialism - defined as a system where private property plays small role and economy is directed mainly with the use of command and control methods. He discusses in turn: the determinants which make deliberate slow down of economic growth in socialism unlikely; the difficulties of central coordination of economy in the condition of limited growth; and factors which support the politics of near zero growth in socialism. He also compares socialism with capitalism and proposes that policy of near zero growth is somewhat more probable in the first of these social orders. In the last section of this article he argues that a return of socialism is a real eventuality: 1. Accumulation of civilizational dangers pushes the state to expand which in turn makes the control of many spheres of social life more and more tightly. 2. Capitalism is destabilized by the fast growth of social inequalities on the global scale, especially in rich countries. 3. Foreign debt of United States is huge and it is still growing which makes the breakdown of its economy (and consequently a world-wide slump) more and more probable. Realisation of this scenario would lead to serious de-legitimisation of capitalism. It is hard to guess whether socialism can return before the devastation of natural environment, exploitation of natural resources and mounting technological dangers make it impossible. It is now probable, that soon we can expect the emergence of social order that will be in many ways similar to that which existed before the era of industrialisation.
EN
Analyzing the works of Polish solidarists, we can find many references to other — sometimes mutually exclusive — ideological currents. However, as far as the economic aspects of the solidarist doctrine are concerned, we can easily detect especially strong connections with corporatism which was also repeatedly referred to by representatives of Italian Fascism. The principal ideologue of Polish solidarism — Professor Leopold Caro — perceived corporatism as a so-called “Third Way,” constituting the ideological alternative positioned between liberalism and socialism. In all his most important works — such as Thoughts of a Japanese on Poland, Solidarism, New Ways or Towards New Poland — he repeatedly made approving references to Italian Fascism or to Benito Mussolini. His main analysis of the phenomenon of Fascism can however be found in the publication titled Social and Economic Reforms of Fascism. The most important element of the analysis of Fascism as presented by Leopold Caro was the comparison of this Italian doctrine with socialism, and particularly liberalism, regarding the issue of social and economic rights in the context of labor relations. Analyzing the social-and-economic policies undertaken by Benito Mussolini, Leopold Caro pointed out their dualist character, involving, on one hand, gaining the approval of the group of leading industrialists (right after the conclusion of military hostilities when the specter of Communist revolution was seemingly looming), and, on the other, exerting a pressure on the industrialists in order to force them to recognize social rights. Another issue, which was approvingly acknowledged by the Polish solidarist, concerned the separation of economic aspects in which there existed a possibility of governmental intervention with simultaneous protection and development of private initiatives. Attempting to transplant Italian solutions onto Polish ground, Leopold Caro finally concluded that it is currently impossible to achieve due to the fact Polish society was simply not prepared for such radical changes and required substantial transformation before they could take place.
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Content available remote O zajkovi a medveďovi: k problematike tematického vymedzenia politickej anekdoty
70%
EN
The contribution is devoted to the delimitation of the political anecdote and the joke. In the introduction, it Publisher an overview of the Slovakian and Czech literature, and a brief overview of the world literature. Based on the concept of Umberto Eco´s over-interpretation shows that the content as a basic identification symbol constitutes often an insufficient criterion. Therefore, the limits of the political anecdote are searched in other properties of the Slovakian prosaic folklore and anecdote as an independent genre. The author defines the above based on the political and social conditionality of the period, in which the anecdote was and is living, as well as based on its bearer, performance, function and other features. She highlights the problematic or unclear limits for the definitiv of the monitored phenomenon in respect to the period and its character. As an example, she uses materials from the period of the real socialism in Czechoslovakia as well as those from the present age, which have been collected in the field research to a dissertation thesis. She sets the anecdotes beside each other, pointing to thein common and different properties, their place in the society and their different or same perception.
7
Content available remote KONCEPT TRETEJ CESTY – ÚSILIE O PRESTAVBU SOCIÁLNEJ DEMOKRACIE
70%
EN
The paper deals with the social democracy reform in terms of the "Third Way" concept of British sociologist Anthony Giddens. It briefly describes the evolution of social democracy subjects considering their establishment, period of prosperity and dominance, until the crisis and efforts undertaken for their restoration. Therefore it tends to analyse the main pillars and attributes of the "Third Way" concept based on the roots and the history of its creation. The paper does not aspire to provide definite judgement on this concept, but focuses more on the theoretical background and practical implementations trans-formed into real policies executed by selected political parties.
EN
The study surveys meta- and para-texts about American literature in the Mladá tvorba magazine. Drawing on the ontological (meta-texts, Popovič, 1974) and on the spatial classification of text-derivation genres (para-texts, Genette, 1997), the study combines historical criticism (Pym, 2010) and pragmatic analysis (Verschueren, 2013) to interpret three meta-text genres from the corpus. These include: meta-textual apologetics, based on discourse mimicry; para-textual camouflage, based on contextualization; synthetizing translation, based on imitational and selective text derivation and quasi-meta-text.
EN
In article the authoress tries to illustrate three socialist metaphors for various attitudes towards state centre as Deema Kaneff articulated three various socialist constructions of the past - history, folklore and tradition. Presented case study is based on seasonal holidays, which inhabitants of smaller Slovenian town Brezice have celebrated in the first decades after the Second World War. Mostly by comparing St. Roch's feast and Carnival celebrations the authoress compares pre- and post-war organization and performances at the holidays, their scenarios and their meanings for various groups of people. After the World War II the feast of St. Roch became restricted to private domains or to places owned by the churches and performed only by the alternative groups of people. In the early years of socialism Carnival was also considered as a tradition. But since its celebrations were mostly public and massive the tradition had to be transformed into folklore. Traditionality and folklorization of holidays are considered in the article and at the end of the text they are interpreted from the point of folklorism, heritage and legitimacy of tradition.
EN
Ethnology in Serbia in the socialist era was reviewed through (re)interpretation of marked concepts, strategies and paradigms that had shaped the specific scientific policies. The object of this paper is to break down the historization of ethnology into specific problem units that had taken place through the processes of normativization, institutionalization and conceptualization of ethnology. The ethnological policies are analysed on the example of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SASA) over the period 1947- 1980. The establishing of the Institute, operation, realization of its tasks and objectives, as well as research and publishing production indicate the stratification and ambivalence of the phases of scientific policies.
EN
The thesis deals with selected factors that were influencing the development of employees ́ number of Eastern Slovakia Steel factory. The company, today under the name United States Steel Corporation, is situated in Košice, the second largest city of Slovakia, with more than 240,000 citizens. However, during the 1950s the city had approximately 60,000 citizens only, but the census of 1980 recorded in excess 200,000 citizens. The years from 1948 to 1989 are characterized by the strong influence of totalitarian regime and government interference in both economic as well as social life of citizens. Above all the interests of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had to be respected, which was reflected also in the type of industrialization and its focus on the Cold War development. In the Czechoslovak Republic the idea of increased industrialization was enforced on the territory of today’s Slovakia. One of the plans was the industrialization of population-rich, but economically declining eastern Slovakia. Košice represented a strategic centre of the eastern part of the republic, in which the construction of industrial enterprises was supposed to be carried out and which impacted on the population. The construction of Eastern Slovakia Steel factory started in 1960. The factory was supposed to provide the biggest number of job opportunities not only in the Košice city, but also in the nearby districts, which led to migration of the population. Therefore, this thesis focuses on depiction of the relation between industrialization and the physical movement of people. There are two types of recruitment actions and activities for gaining workers described in this article. Through numerical data recorded in charts and graphs the rate of recruitment percentage together with explanation of causes stated in reports is highlighted. Additionally, propaganda activities which played a significant role in appealing to public are also depicted. The articles in newspapers and company brochures were supposed to be in favour of gaining persons into employment for metallurgical factory. The article offers opportunities for better understanding of the mutual relation and influence between political system, industrialization and the society. Here, the intention was the systematization of statistical data that may represent resource for further research in the field of development of Košice, the growth of the population and the total transformation of the city.
EN
Using the archival documents and personal interviews as historical sources, this essay analyzes the ideological problems of advertising international tourism in the main travel agencies of the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev era, 1964-84. These agencies, Inturist, a Tourist Department of the Soviet Trade Unions and a Communist Youth League's organization Sputnik, encountered problems with advertising from the early beginning of their history. In the 1960s and the 70s they created special departments responsible for propaganda and advertising or advertising and mass media in Inturist. On the one hand, these tourist agencies had to provide interesting information to attract more Soviet and foreign tourists and more financial sources. On the other hand, the most attractive elements in advertising Soviet tourism were various national elements of different Soviet nationalities, including their costumes, music and handicrafts. As a result, such efforts exposed the limits of Soviet cultural homogenization project during the stage of developed socialism. In practice, it led to serious problems for the representatives of the Soviet tourist agencies in foreign countries. The most dangerous problem was nationalism. The essay explores how the problems of national identity were tied to advertising Soviet Union travel to foreign tourists as a new strategy of the Soviet tourist agencies during late socialism before perestroika. Despite strict KGB and ideological regulations, new 'national' forms of advertising such as folk music survived after 1984 and contributed to expansion of tourism, which brought increased profits and influence to the leaders of the local tourist agencies.
EN
The paper provides an insight into the life and work of Flora Tristán, a French-Peruvian thinker of the 19th century. It focuses on her biography and analyses her work in relation to historical facts and to the present with the aim of critiquing Tristan's ideas and bringing them up to date. It focuses on the contingent nature of feminist and socialist social struggle. It questions the traditional family, education and the revolutionary and reform strategy of social change. Flora Tristán's feminist and socialist ideas are set in a wider framework of the evolution of these social struggles. It points to the progressive (united organization of the proletariat, interdependent gender and working-class emancipation), and regressive (parliamentary representation, reform) aspects of Tristán's reasoning.
EN
The life and work of Argentine philosopher and writer Héctor Pablo Agosti is almost unknown to contemporaries. His emphasis on culture, the role of intellectuals, and, eventually, his requirement of a new ideological hegemony as part of a broad-based social change, makes Agosti a modern thinker. Agosti offers a comprehensive critique of contemporary socio-economic relations, providing an in-depth analysis of the status and role of intellectuals as creators of a new ideological hegemony that will become an integral part of the social struggle. His revolutionary concept of new society is also reflected in his literary musings, which culminate in his concept of a "New Realism". The paper seeks to acquaint the reader with the key aspects of Agosti’s work, emphasising the topicality of his approach.
EN
The conservative forces in the Slovak society of the first half of the 20th century sought models in Christian solidarity and the corporate state, which would replace parliamentarism of the Western type. The ideas could be put into practice after the seizure of power in autumn 1938 and especially after Slovakia became independent in March 1939. However, the ally of independent Slovakia, Nazi Germany rejected the corporate state. Therefore, the idea of Christian solidarity was replaced with the idea of Slovak National socialism and plans for a corporate social system for the Slovak working community according to the German model. The regime of the Slovak Republic of 1939 – 1945 attempted to put the new principles of the social state into economic and social practice. However, the implementation of the ideas of the time about a social state and the political system of Slovakia stopped half way.
EN
The article presents and substantiates a thesis that socialism — beside nationalism and racism — constituted one of the doctrinal-and political pillars of German National Socialism and of the political doctrine of Adolf Hitler. National Socialism, however, represented a peculiar version of socialism that did not fit into the internationalist tradition of class socialism. National Socialism replaced the idea of class struggle with the notion of racial struggle, put racial revolution in the place of proletarian one and identified the creation of the perfect national community of the “master race” the destiny of which is to rule the world — and not the establishment of the perfect egalitarian system which is the destiny of all mankind — as an ultimate objective. Nevertheless, National Socialism has many things in common with the main branch of socialism, including revolutionary approach, criticism of capitalism and democracy, dictatorial conception of political power, the idea of the guiding role of a party and the affirmation of force and violence as legitimate instruments of achieving political objectives.
EN
Ethnological discourse in Slovenia under socialism (1945-1990) cannot be defined without ambiguity. After WWII the ideology of the new socialist regime sought to delineate the horizons of scholarly production, relying on Marxist premises (dialectical and historical materialism), and this required a radical reorientation of academic practice. The ideological assertions took the shape of institutional and conceptual decorations. In the first post-war years, these resonated with the ideological touchstones of Marxist science, but only on the level of avowals of orthodoxy. The ethnographic canon was not deeply affected, when we consider the scholarly and personal habitus of researchers active in the discipline. It was not until the beginnings of the 1960s that a radical debate began about a disciplinary habitus clearly marked by historical-materialistic arguments. The leading actor of the subsequent and occasionally contentious discussions and advocate of the 'Marxist agenda' was Slavko Kremensek. His professional input in transcending the 'folk culture paradigm' is outlined, his publications considered and his personal account commented. These personal considerations shed a different light on the relationship between ideology and scholarship, not only at the personal level but also in the institutional and broader social context. Notwithstanding the strong impact of the traditional positivist ethnographic paradigm, the characteristics of the academic landscape between 1945 and 1990 show a powerful imprint of the expanded disciplinary field. This was implemented not so much as an explicitly reflected 'Marxist' agenda as a deliberate materialist and historical programme distinctive for the modernist ethnological paradigm in Slovenia.
18
Content available remote Církev a její potíže s liberalismem a kapitalismem
60%
Studia theologica
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2004
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tom 6
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nr 4
70-83
EN
The article deals with the problem of relationships between those modes. It briefly outlines the historical development of the relationship of papal social teaching and Christian thought to capitalism and liberalism. This relationship is predominantly negative. On the other hand, the article discusses the permanent influence of socialism and Marxism on theology and social thought. The next step is an attempt to clarify the conceptual misunderstanding of the terms liberalism and capitalism. The neoconservative Michael Novak outlines the 'Whig tradition' of catholic thinkers - not seeing the contradiction between the catholic concept of moral life and capitalism supported by the ideology of classical liberalism. Pope John Paul II, based on his social encyclicals, is one of those thinkers.
19
60%
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2006
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tom 38
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nr 3
199 – 220
EN
This paper investigates the effect of ‘Communist Affirmative Action’ on inequality in access to secondary and post-secondary education in five former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 1948 and 1989. The author argues that earlier research failed to identify any periods of reduced inequality in former socialist countries because it employed inadequate definitions of both the dependent and independent variables. He corrects these inaccuracies and he investigates data from the ‘Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989’ survey. The author is indeed able to document that inequality in access to education declined during the periods of the most extreme Communism in the early 1950s and, in some countries, also during the early 1970s.
EN
The study focuses on the life and work of one of the most prominent representatives of revolutionary social and political thought in Latin America – José Carlos Mariátegui. It attempts to grasp fundamental aspects of Mariátegui’s philosophical heritage with an emphasis on the application of his ideas today. In addition to looking into his biography, it focuses on Mariátegui‘s humanism, Marxist approach to the interpretation of the Peruvian reality and his emphasis on the revolution as a strategy for social change, taking into account the historical, political and cultural realities of Peruvian society.
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