Massively -Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game (MMORPG) experienced a strong wave of interest and attention. This paper is devoted to players of the World of Warcraft. The aim of the research was comparison of players and non-players in terms of social support and its components: emotional support, instrumental support, need for support, seeking support and current perceived support. Players and non-players were compared in the overall social inclusion and social inclusion in different social groups (in family, in a group of friends, among classmates/colleagues). The final sample consisted of 270 (82% male, 18% female) respondents, of which 135 were players and an equal number, were non-players. The youngest respondent was 13 and the oldest was 36 years (M=21,26, SD=4,63). The social support was measured using the Berlin Social Support Scale (BSSS) by authors Schwartzer and Schulz (2000). The social inclusion was measured using selected items from the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS) (Dahlem, Zimet, Walker, 1991). The results showed that the players have lower level of the social support than non-players. The players and non-players do not differ in the construct of social inclusion.
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Since the Lisbon Strategy the open method of coordination has become the subject of an intensive debate. Its importance for EU social policy has been discussed in a very controversial manner regarding to two very different visions of 'Social Europe'. The special attention should be paid to the role of the open method of coordination for policy of social inclusion. In order to be able to assess properly the relevance of that instrument it seems to be necessary to answer the questions: What is the open method of coordination and how it is functioning? The paper discusses the main approaches of the understanding of the open method of coordination among experts and illustrates its functioning on the example of Great Britain. Then it points out some implications for the new states-member, including Poland.
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EU programme documents designed to influence the social policies of the member states are filled with concepts of social exclusion and social inclusion. This paper aims to clarify these concepts as they are employed in academic and public policy discourse and to discuss the societal function of this discourse and the impact of the European agenda of social inclusion. The authors show that although concepts of social exclusion and social inclusion are far from straightforward in meaning, their influence on public policy discourse and agenda is evident. The reason is that they redirect social policy towards a multidimensional approach, towards balancing rights and obligations, and towards more complex but also local and individualised policies, though the corresponding discourse bears the normative features of a social 'vision'. The EU's social policy agenda exhibits aspirations towards and some potential for achieving real policy change. On the other hand, there are reservations about its true impact. In this respect, the specific societal and political context of its implementation plays a crucial role.
In 2010 the Institute of Ethnology of the Slovak Academy of Science achieved the research project to measure the influence of religious missions toward the social inclusion of Roma in Slovakia- the SIRONA Project (Social Inclusion of the Roma by the Religious Pathway). In the beginning we think about methodological approaches of studying subjective perceptions of social change. Later we try to identify the mechanisms influencing the effectiveness/ the ineffectiveness of social change, among others mostly the importance of pastoral discourse and its potential to be pro-exclusive, or pro-inclusive. At the same time we tried to explain this phenomenon from the perspective of social theories of social capital, social networks and social bonds. We come up with the conclusion that religious change has very strong potential to bring about social change which apparently can lead also to social inclusion.
There was a period of radical changes in the countries of Central, South-eastern and Eastern Europe at the end of World War II and subsequent years. In Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania, thanks to the active support of Soviet Union, the local communist parties came to power and secured complete control in all spheres of public life. Social and economic changes were carried out in all areas of life; these affected the entire population and only a relatively small part were focused on Gypsies exclusively, who were a specific target of active government policy in individual countries during the different periods. Despite the fact that a common ideology united the ‘socialist camp’, the policies focused on Gypsies were not identical. Differences appeared, based on models from the past and on the specific national strategies of the individual states. The present article is an attempt to offer a new view, freed from superimposed ideology, of state policies focused on Gypsies in the countries of Central, South-eastern and Eastern Europe during the period of communist rule. Particular attention is given to the policies in the areas of sedentarisation, residence, development and retention of ethnic culture, and opportunities for organisational life. In conclusion, the study presents a provisional evaluation of the politics of the so-called socialist states from the aspect of the successful integration of Gypsies into society.
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