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1

DOKTRYNA WOJENNA FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ W XX I XXI WIEKU. CELE – ZADANIA – KIERUNKI DZIAŁANIA

100%

Malendowski W.

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2017

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nr 10

55-94

EN

The collapse of the USSR as a subject of international law and a significant geopolitical entity ultimately put an end to the Cold War and the bipolar system of international relations. The Russian Federation, as international successor and continuator of the Soviet Union, was downgraded to the position of a second-rate empire and faced the objective necessity of developing new principles for its security policy and war doctrine. The hitherto coalition-based Soviet war doctrine became invalid. In the concepts of foreign policy and other official documents developed from the early 1990s to 2010 the role of Russia was presented as that of a global power with global interests. The significance of the Russian military potential was emphasized, including nuclear weapons, as a significant element in the international balance of power. At the same time, Russia asserted its right to use weapons of mass destruction in case of danger to the security of the state. Further war doctrines expanded the catalogue of possible threats, including territorial claims made against Russia, local conflicts in the vicinity of its borders and the external borders of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Particular attention was given to military blocs and alliances. The content of the war doctrines confirms the grand aspirations of Russia as a state taking an active part in the construction of a new international order. In practice, however, Russia has abandoned a reactive policy in favor of concrete actions, applying means that infringe the fundamental principles and norms of international law.

PL

Upadek ZSRR, jako podmiotu prawa międzynarodowego i ważnego bytu geopolitycznego, doprowadził do ostatecznego zakończenia zimnej wojny i demontażu dwubiegunowego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska jako prawno-międzynarodowy sukcesor i kontynuator Związku Radzieckiego, zdegradowana do rangi mocarstwa drugiej kategorii, znalazła się w obliczu obiektywnej konieczności opracowania nowych zasad polityki bezpieczeństwa i doktryny wojennej. Straciła aktualność dotychczasowa, koalicyjna radziecka doktryna wojenna. W rezultacie, już w nowej sytuacji geopolitycznej i geostrategicznej, przygotowano koncepcje bezpieczeństwa narodowego oraz kolejne doktryny wojenne (1993 r., 2000 r., 2010 r., 2014 r., 2015 r.). Zarówno w koncepcjach polityki zagranicznej, jak i w innych oficjalnych dokumentach opracowanych od początku ostatniej dekady XX wieku, do 2010 r., wskazywano na rolę Rosji jako mocarstwa światowego, posiadającego globalne interesy. Podkreślano także znaczenie rosyjskiego potencjału wojskowego, w tym broni jądrowej, jako istotnego elementu międzynarodowego układu sił. Jednocześnie zawarowano sobie prawo do użycia broni masowego rażenia w razie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa. W kolejnych doktrynach wojennych poszerzano katalog zagrożeń, o roszczenia terytorialne wobec Rosji, konflikty lokalne w pobliżu jej granic i zewnętrznych granic Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. Szczególną uwagę zwracano na bloki i sojusze wojskowe. Ich powiększanie i przybliżanie do granic Rosji traktowano, jako nadzwyczajne niebezpieczeństwo. Czynnikiem, który mógłby je umocnić, był system tworzony przez Organizację Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie. Początkowo zakładano, że w dającej się przewidzieć przyszłości nie ma groźby agresji na szerszą skalę. Podkreślano również, że Rosja nie traktuje a priori żadnego państwa jako przeciwnika. Dlatego też deklarując gotowość do odparcia siłą napaści zewnętrznej, nie wskazywano na potencjalnego agresora. Dopiero w doktrynie wojennej z 2010 r., jednoznacznie wskazano na najważniejsze zagrożenie zewnętrzne bezpieczeństwa Rosji. Odniesiono je do NATO podkreślając, że dąży ono do przyznania sobie globalnych funkcji, z naruszeniem prawa międzynarodowego oraz przybliżenia swojej infrastruktury wojskowej do granic Federacji Rosyjskiej. W związku z tym, w kategoriach zagrożenia potraktowano poszerzenia NATO o państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz amerykańskie plany budowy tarczy antyrakietowej w tym regionie. Rosja zastrzegła sobie prawo do użycia broni jądrowej w odpowiedzi na agresję z zastosowaniem broni jądrowej i innych rodzajów broni masowego rażenia oraz w przypadku agresji konwencjonalnej, gdy zagrożone będzie istnienie państwa. Z drugiej strony, eksponując nadrzędne znaczenie prawa międzynarodowego, deklarowała wolę zapewniania bezpieczeństwa całej społeczności międzynarodowej, z poszanowaniem postanowień Karty NZ. Treść doktryn wojennych stanowi potwierdzenie mocarstwowych aspiracji Rosji, jako państwa biorącego aktywny udział w budowie nowego ładu międzynarodowego. Natomiast w praktyce Rosja odchodząc od polityki reaktywnej do konkretnych działań, stosuje środki naruszające podstawowe zasady i normy prawa międzynarodowego.

2

Derring Russia in the Baltics to Allow US Power Projection in the Pacific

94%

Middents M. G.

Security Forum

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2017

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tom 1

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nr Volume 1 No. 2/2017

47-58

EN

The balance of power in the world is fluctuating as the US is facing new competitors as the People’s Republic of China being as rising power. So, if tensions between the US and China or another near-peer will grow, the US would need to dedicate significant resources to the face new threat. Such a shift of power could affect the balance of power in other regions of the world and it could even trigger Russian opportunism in its former Soviet satellites. There could be a risk that NATO’s current military structure in the Baltic States leaves its Eastern flank exposed to potential risks. The paper argues that additional initiatives such as easing the flow of Allied forces across borders, the establishment of NATO anti-access/ area denial (A2AD) measures and efforts towards political cohesion need to be added and done so in a manner to gain maximum benefits from their combined effects.

3

Russian Active Measures in Psychological Warfare

94%

Doroszczyk J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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tom 3 (47)

521-534

EN

The aim of the article is to analyse Russian active measures in the context of psychological warfare. Active measures are defined as the actions of political warfare conducted by Russian secret service. In case of Russian Federation they are the core of psychological operations that are tools of realising international and domestic policy priorities. Active measures include disinformation campaigns and supporting insurgency in opponent states. Regarding the context of psychological operations active measures are designed to model the mental sphere of opponent society. Active measures are aimed at weakening the unity of the European Union as well as common trust in NATO. Creating favourable atmosphere for Russian activity is the main goal of implementing active measures. Therefore active measures are considered as a great part of Russian interpretation of psychological warfare. Although active measures can support the military activity they are designed to influence the mental sphere of opponent society and are used to create opinions and interpretations that match Russian interests. Those measures are difficult to identify and therefore are threats that are not easy to counteract.

4

Zahraniční a bezpečnostní politika Ruska a jeho zájmy v regionu Blízkého východu a severní Afriky v kontextu událostí arabského jara

94%

Tichý L.

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tom 101

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nr 1

125-156

EN

After the end of the Cold War, the relations between the Russian Federation and the states of the Near East and North Africa underwent many different developmental stages during the course of the next two decades. Whereas in the period of Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin’s presidency in the 1990s this region remained rather in the background of Russia’s interests, in the first decade of the 21st century Russia renewed its influence in this region during the presidencies of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and then Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev. The events of the Arab Spring became a new challenge for Russia in 2011. In the context of these actualities, there are two main goals for this article. The first is to compare the position of the Russian Federation’s foreign and security policies in the region of the Near East and North Africa in the periods before and during the Arab Spring against the background of Russian interests. The second goal of the article is to define the influence of post-revolutionary developments on Russian foreign and security policy in the region of the Near East and North Africa.

5

Ewolucja i perspektywy procesu integracji pomiędzy Białorusią i Rosją

94%

Tworek P.

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nr 14

81-97

EN

The article examines the specificity of the integration process between Belarus and Russia from 1991 to 2021. Due to historical and socio-cultural determinants Russia considers the Republic of Belarus as a part of its natural sphere of influence. Created in 1999, a “union state” become the main instrument of economic integration with efforts in the defense and intelligence. This arrangement was not fully implemented, but the Kremlin is committed to reestablish regional hegemony and increase Belarus dependance and commitment to Russia’s strategic goals.

6

The theoretical Basis for Criminological forecasting of Crime (with Russia Example)

94%

Laskowska K.

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2018

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tom 10(1)

95-105

EN

The paper discusses the problems of criminological forecasting of crime. The analyses have been based on issues concerning theoretical foundations and assumptions of this process in Russia. Since it is a country with considerable socio-demographic, religious and cultural diversity, it must analyse, assess and monitor these territorial differences in crime and skilfully anticipate the changes taking place there. Russia is the country that already has experience in predicting the development of crime. Current Russian criminological literature has been used in the deliberations. The publication presents various definitions of criminological crime forecasting. Attention was drawn not only to the need to anticipate changes in criminal trends but also to the evolution of crime causes. The sources of information necessary to forecast this phenomenon have also been indicated. It has been emphasized that this is, in particular, knowledge about socio-economic and political transformations taking place in the country. The several stages and complexity of the forecasting process, as well as its result in the form of a crime forecast, have also been underlined. By presenting a number of forecasting objectives, its usefulness for the protection of the security of the state and its citizens have been emphasized. The basics of conducting research analyses in the form of three scientific methods (extrapolation, modelling, and application of criminological expertise) have been discussed, as well. The classifications of forecasting and the periods applied in practice have been presented. The above issues have been discussed on the basis of theoretical assumptions adopted by Russian criminologists. Attention has been focused on the most important issues for preventing and combatting crime. The considerations have confirmed the need to anticipate the development of crime.

7

Power Rivalry in the Post-Soviet Space in Political and Military Domain

94%

Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

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nr 2 (2)

PL

Since the mid-90s the Russian Federation has remained the most important player in the CIS region. It has the greatest potential of instruments which can be used towards the post-Soviet states in political and military domain to maintain and maybe even broaden its influence in its former colonies. It seems that Iran has the least potential to employ. Its situation is the most complex one because of Western and Turkish concerns not only about fundamentalism export to the Muslim post-Soviet countries but also the disturbing issues not directly connected with the CIS region – Iranian nuclear program, its backing for terrorist organization in the Middle East, its anti-Israeli position and Teheran engagement in the Syrian conflict.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

8

The Kurds in the Former Soviet States from the Historical and Cultural Perspectives

94%

Omarkhali K. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

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nr 2 (5)

PL

The history of the Kurdish community in Russia concerns several centuries. The Kurds who live in the today’s Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), before USSR, constitue about 2,5% of all Kurdish population, which is the most important part of the Kurdish Diaspora. The number of Kurds has increased in the Russian Federation especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Kurds began to leave Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Central Asia and began to settle in the Russian Federation. This is a brief study of the Kurds in the former Soviet Union with the study of the demography of the Kurds and their development from historical and cultural perspectives. Special attention is paid to the contemporary situation of the Kurds in the post-Soviet states, in particular on the territory of the Russian Federation.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

9

Terrorism in post-Soviet space. Comparative analysis of the phenomenon in the former Sovi-et republics after 2014

94%

Kaszuba M. , Stempień M.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2022

|

tom 1

93–110

EN

The post-Soviet states are also known as the former Soviet Republics (FSR). With the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Moscow lost almost a quarter of its territory and nearly 150,000,000 people. As a result of this process, 15 sovereign states emerged or reemerged. The post-Soviet states are very diverse in terms of culture, economy, and politics. Moreover, the phenomenon of terrorism varies in the indicated area. The research goal of this study is to identify trends related to terrorism taking place in the post-Soviet space in the years 2014-2020 (in some cases, the analysis covers the years 2015-2019, due to data availability). The research area covers the former Soviet republics, which are further divided by the author into four subregions (Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Transcaucasia, and Baltic states) that are linked by cultural and geopolitical factors. Therefore, the research object covers 15 states and 4 subregions.

10

Maritime Safety of NATO Borders in the Baltic Sea Region

94%

Gac M.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

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nr 30 (37)

77-87

EN

The Baltic Sea Region (BSR) is a specific area lying between the areas of conflicting political interests of the East and West, making it an object of particular interest of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the Russian Federation. The current situation is characterized by the high militarization of the region, mainly related to the use of the Russian power sector, with the anti-access capabilities in the Kaliningrad District in particular. Changes in the security environment in this area have resulted in the increased capabilities to deter and the collective defence capabilities of all NATO members, as part of strengthening the Alliance’s eastern flank.

11

Carsko-sowiecka mitologia rosyjskich służb specjalnych

94%

Kaszuba M.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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tom 43

223-237

EN

The cult of secret services in Russia has a long tradition. Their role and importance is a subject of specific mythologization. It is particularly evident since the foundation of the Federal Security Service, when checkist ideology, adapted to the political realities of 90s, has been exploited again. With even greater force, the myth of secret services’ officers was created from the beginning of the Vladimir Putin’s career in the Kremlin. The purpose of this article is to characterize the objective phenomenon, taking into account, among others, the role of Orthodox Church and the of Russian culture creators.

12

The Issue of Poland’s Dependence on Natural Gas Supplies from the Russian Federation in the Political Thought of Piotr Naimski: Selected Problems

94%

Paszkowski M.

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2022

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nr 42 (49)

117-129

EN

The topic of the research was the political thought of Piotr Naimski in the field of reducing Poland’s dependence on natural gas supplies from the Russian Federation. The aim of the article was therefore to analyse Naimski’s views on the diversification of the sources and directions of natural gas supplies to Poland and to define the political concepts formulated by this politician. The article indicates Naimski’s views on increasing Poland’s energy security by realizing energy projects such as LNG terminal, Baltic Pipe gas pipeline, as well as activities aimed at counteracting the Russian Federation energy policy in Central Europe. Naimski was one of the staunchest opponents of the construction of Russian-German gas pipelines (Nord Stream and Nord Stream 2).

13

The scope of changes in the economic sectoral policies of the Russian Federation and their impact on the Russian Baltic activity, the case of transport policy

94%

Zieliński M.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Morskiego

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2020

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tom R. XIV

5--30

EN

The following paper covers the policy of the Russian Federation (RF) on maritime transport in the broader context of the strategic regulations on transport. On the one hand, the strategic regulations of the Russian Federation on the development of transport was brought closer. While on the other hand, the focus was on the maritime transport issues of the RF in the Baltic Basin and the implementation of the transport strategy between 2008-2019 in the context of the Russian maritime policy activities, with a particular focus on the Baltic Sea.

14

Факторы профессионального саморазвития личности в процессе вузовского образования

94%

Щуров E. A.

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2018

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nr 3(24)

143-147

EN

Modernization of the education system in higher education institutions of the ministry of internal affairs is connected with the problems of personal improvement and self-development of the police officer: russian citizens expect law enforcement agencies to effectively combat crime. The work of the employees of the internal affairs agencies should respond to a new situation: they must more actively use all the most modern tools, maintain a high level of discipline, take care of their professional training. given the current situation, the goals and tasks facing the ministry of internal affairs at the current stage, the modernization of the system of professional training of specialists of the ministry of internal affairs of russia is linked with the orientation toward new paradigms of education (practice-oriented, personality-oriented, etc.). Today, new requirements are imposed on the nature and content of pedagogical activity in the context of the competence orientation of the pedagogical space of a departmental university. in this regard, it should be noted that one of the most important tasks facing the educational institutions of the system of the ministry of internal affairs of russia is the formation of a modern concept of cadets and technologies, designed to provide an effective solution of tasks in the field of professional self-development of cadets in the process of practicalrussian federation.

15

Miejsce Europy w globalnej strategii USA

94%

Stachura J.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2014

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nr 4

41-58

EN

For more than sixty years American grand strategy is based on the conviction that external environment is of fundamental importance for US core interests in security, prosperity and domestic liberty. There was the foundation for containment policy and after the cold war succeeding presidents on this conviction have based their deep engagement in world affairs. In XXI century as American supremacy has been steadily diminished, Washington is still ready to lead the world, but wants to share with partners the burdens of keeping it in order. The idea of partnership isn’t put into words explicitly. It emphasizes burden-sharing between US and the partners, sometimes is about the transfer of crisis-management capacity and it has sought to advance American leadership as well. European states – NATO and EU members – are seen as indispensable Washington’s allies, densely connected with the US through transatlantic partnership. Due to community of values and the convergence of strategic interests, and because of its own peculiarity EU is not and won’t be America’s strategic rival. After few years of diminished interest in old continent, when president B. Obama focused his attention on domestic policy and on problems in other world’s regions, since March 2014 he has decided to take the initiative in European affairs. Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine has serious consequences for Washington’s European and global strategy. In Europe there is increased request for US leadership. From American point of view it might come with expectations, that the allies will be eager to strengthen their cooperation with Washington in other regions, especially in Asia.

16

Non-military determinants of the Russian Federation policy

94%

Grenda B.

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nr 1

23-47

EN

This study analyses various non-military factors in shaping the security policy of the Russian Federation. This work undertakes to establish their substance, content and scope, and to draw the conditions and trends in the political, economic and social security of modern Russia in the context of its international ambitions, role and state security. In the work theoretical method analysis, synthesis, abstracting and generalization were used. Based on the results of the research, it was determined that the specificity of its location definitely exerts an adverse effect on Russian state security. The reconstruction of imperial Russia is among the key goals set forth by Vladimir Putin in Russia’s foreign and military policy. In fact, the entire economic, political and military activity of Russia is subordinated to this goal. With regard to the economic and social state, the dependence of the Russian Federation on the extraction and export of crude oil and natural gas is an obvious indication of the constraints of its economy. Moscow’s particular interests are formulated in official state documents, such as the Military Doctrine and the National Security Strategy. These documents identify not only external and internal threats to state security but above all indicate the means and methods of possible deterrence.

17

Non-military determinants of the Russian Federation policy

94%

Grenda B.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2019

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tom Vol. 23, No. 1

23--47

EN

This study analyses various non-military factors in shaping the security policy of the Russian Federation. This work undertakes to establish their substance, content and scope, and to draw the conditions and trends in the political, economic and social security of modern Russia in the context of its international ambitions, role and state security. In the work theoretical method analysis, synthesis, abstracting and generalization were used. Based on the results of the research, it was determined that the specificity of its location defi nitely exerts an adverse effect on Russian state security. The reconstruction of imperial Russia is among the key goals set forth by Vladimir Putin in Russia’s foreign and military policy. In fact, the entire economic, political and military activity of Russia is subordinated to this goal. With regard to the economic and social state, the dependence of the Russian Federation on the extraction and export of crude oil and natural gas is an obvious indication of the constraints of its economy. Moscow’s particular interests are formulated in official state documents, such as the Military Doctrine and the National Security Strategy. These documents identify not only external and internal threats to state security but above all indicate the means and methods of possible deterrence.

18

Russian comprehensive approach toward Arctic Race

94%

ŚLIWA Z.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2014

|

tom 12(12)

212-234

EN

Arctic has lately slipped slightly from the radar of the International Community as a consequence of the Ukrainian, economic austerity, Ebola spread and also combating radicals like Islamic State. Even global warming is not major topic of news. In spite of this, the Arctic race is ongoing involving all the nations interested in that region considering future profits connected with resources, shipping routes and fishery. Among them Russia is currently a key player in many domains especially as it is treating Arctic very seriously and has already invested into grounding national position there. Present-day peaceful cooperation is very promising but growing military presence in Arctic, especially Russian build-up, is causing more and more concerns about the future. The paper is discussing major reasons of the Arctic race, depicting briefly legal aspects e.g. UNCLOS, international organizations like the Arctic Council and also role of actors there. International disputes are also mentioned especially those related to the Russian Federation, being major player there. The main focus is on Russian interests, economy related competition and also military developments to support national interests. The Western sanctions are negatively influencing exploration of natural resources making Moscow nervous and the country must be treated very seriously to avoid creating new “Cold War” type icy relations and confrontation.

19

Polska i Rosja w narracji historycznej Partii Politycznej „Zmiana”

94%

Tokarz G.

Wschodnioznawstwo

|

2016

|

nr 10

271-278

EN

Article refers to the ratio Party activists groups „Change” to the recent history of Polish-Russian relations. In what way it is portrayed in contemporary Poland. They show their importance for historical policy pursued for in elite of the Third Republic. It shows the importance of symbols. We analyzed the documents that have been issued by this group. The author also reached the journalistic speech, as well as representatives of the scientific Party „Change”.

20

How to understand the hybrid war

94%

Banasik M.

Securitologia

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2015

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nr 1(21)

19-34

EN

Despite the fact that the hybrid wars were conducted for centuries, the annexation of the Crimea and the involvement of the Russian Federation in the conflict in the Ukraine calls new discussions over its essence. Evaluation of the theory and practice of the activities carried out by FR indicates that we are dealing with the new generation of war. However, it is not in contradiction with the "Clausewitzian paradigm" of conducting armed struggle, which says that war is merely a continuation of politics by other means. The hybrid actions refer precisely to these measures, whereas the rules of warfare, its nature and objectives are still the same.