Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Polityka Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej. Uwarunkowania i perspektywy dalszej ewolucji

100%

Wiśniewski R.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2023

|

nr 1-2 (386)

141-170

EN

In analyzing the worldwide consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is necessary to consider the position of People’s Republic of China. This results from three major factors. First, the aggressor state, the Russian Federation, has China as a strategic partner. Second, the ongoing armed conflict (which is actually also a confrontation between Russia and US/NATO) coincides with a period of increased rivalry between United States and China. And third, even if China wasn’t Russia’s strategic partner and Sino-American weren’t so tense, it would have been impossible to ignore China’s stance on the war. That is due to the fact that PRC is at present the second superpower and a strong candidate for international leadership. The articles aims to achieve the following research goals: 1) Identifying and explaining PRC’s position on the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. 2) Assessing the effects of the current war on China’s international position. 3) Identifying the key factors that will determine the future course of PRC’s policy towards the conflict.

2

Russia–Ukraine War: Remembrance, Identity and Legacies of the Imperial Past

100%

Stępniewski T.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2017

|

tom 20

169-178

EN

The paper analyses the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian confl ict from the point of view of the struggle for remembrance and identity between two post-Soviet states. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia’s long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the confl ict ruin Russia’s plans of post-Soviet space reintegration whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy and collective memory? Ukrainian crisis is also a challenge for the transformation of Ukraine’s political system. The relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language and culture and they should not be gauged with Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a signifi cant role in Russia’s foreign policy needs to be emphasised. Ukraine is considered as the key post-Soviet state, a significant ‘near abroad’ country whose position, potential and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general.

3

Front-Page Coverage of the First Day of the Russian Invasion on Ukraine in 2022. The Ethnographic Discourse Analysis Based on the Polish Press Reportage

100%

Strukowska M. E.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

|

2022

|

tom Special Issue

|

nr 18

157-175

EN

This article explores the discursive patterns of communicative events during the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. Studied through an ethnographic discourse analysis lens (e.g., Hymes 1972b, Saville-Troike [1982] 2003), Polish front-page news articles are shown to be artefact-filled language environment anchored in culture (Duranti [1997] 1999, Hoijer 1953) that can be studied by means of communicational grammar (Chruszczewski 2002) consisting of well-entrenched conceptualisations in the form of keywords and collocations as concomitants of cultural scripts (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2014, Baker 2006, Wierzbicka 1997). It agues that legitimation of patterned representations is based on a three-fold conceptual typology: (1) the axiological (valuational) dimension (Romanyshyn 2020, Pomeroy 2004, Krzeszowski 1997), (2) the metaphorical account of spatial/territorial reference (proximization) (Cap 2013), (3) us vs. them dichotomy (Van Dijk 1992a). It demonstrates how Polish press manufactures and discursively creates ideological attachments which underlie Poland’s cultural legacy.

4

Global, regional and internal factors of Egypt’s stance towards Russo-Ukrainian war

88%

Lipa M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2023

|

tom XX

|

nr 1

103-119

EN

The paper aims to explain the origins of Egypt’s foreign policy toward the Russian-Ukrainian war. The major hypothesis says that Egypt’s policy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict results from Egypt’s relations with the United States, the Russian Federation and regional powers, namely Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, with the Egyptian leaders trying to pragmatically put their policy in line with those of major regional powers with which Cairo has close relations while taking into account interests of their nation.

5

Introduction to Special Issue on Navigating NATO dynamics: Addressing various challenges in the international security environment

88%

Chapman B. , Gryz J. , Zombanakis G.

Security and Defence Quarterly

|

2023

|

tom Vol. 44, No. 4

1--4

6

УКРАЇНА - ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКИЙ СОЮЗ: НОВИЙ ЕТАП ВЗАЄМОВІДНОСИН В УМОВАХ РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ 2014–2022 рр.

75%

Vidnyanskyj S.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

|

2022

|

nr 31

10-37

EN

Against the backdrop of Russian aggression against Ukraine and its global consequences, the paper analyses the evolution of relations between Ukraine and the European Union throughout 2014-2022 and the prospects for Ukraine's European integration. It highlights the peculiarities of the formation of Ukraine's European policy as a strategic direction of foreign policy and a factor of its decisive civilizational choice. The main stages and problems in the implementation of Ukraine's European choice are analysed. The focus is on investigating key events and phenomena in the relationship between Ukraine and the European Union at a fundamentally new stage, from the signing of the Association Agreement in 2014 to granting Ukraine the status of a candidate for EU membership in 2022. It analyses the attitudes of individual European Union member states towards Ukraine's European integration prospects, the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the positive change in the EU and its member states' attitude towards Ukraine and its European aspirations, and concrete measures and actions by the European Union aimed at providing moral and political support as well as economic, financial, humanitarian and military assistance to Ukraine in its heroic resistance to Russian aggression. It is emphasised that Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 not only united Europe and improved the perception of the EU in member states' societies, where the positive image of the European Union reached its highest level in decades, but also maximised Ukrainian support for European integration, which has become the key to Ukraine's resilience in the fight against Russian occupiers

7

Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage

75%

STĘPNIEWSKI T.

Historia i Świat

|

2022

|

nr 11

329-336

EN

Russia’s armed conflict with Ukraine, ongoing since 2014, has created conditions for Russia to revise the balance of power in Eastern Europe, and even the international order established after the Cold War. The aim of this article is firstly to show Ukraine, in a highly synthetic way, as a state at a crossroads but simultaneously a key state in terms of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, then the motives for Russia’s redrawing the post-Cold War international order, taking into account the location and role of Ukraine. The article merely indicates the problem of research, and does not claim the right to comprehensively cover the issue in question.

8

The Impact of the Outbreak of Russia-Ukraine War on Commodity, Stock and Cryptocurrency Markets

63%

Karasińki J. , Zadrożny J.

Studia i Materiały

|

2023

|

nr 1(38)

64-75

PL

Cel: w artykule zbadano wpływ rosyjskiej inwazji na Ukrainę w lutym 2022 roku na stopy zwrotu trzech grup aktywów, tj. towarów, akcji oraz kryptowalut. Metodyka: badanie zostało przeprowadzone za pomocą metodyki analizy zdarzeń, która pozwala na ilościowe określenie reakcji uczestników rynku na publikacje różnego rodzaju informacji. Wyniki: skumulowane anormalne stopy zwrotu wskazują głównie na pozytywny wpływ wybuchu konfliktu na stopy zwrotu niektórych towarów, zwłaszcza metali szlachetnych. Uzyskane wyniki sugerują, że w czasach globalnych kryzysów inwestorzy mogą uważać metale szlachetne za aktywa należące do grupy tzw. bezpiecznej przystani. W dniu badanego wydarzenia rynki akcji reagowały negatywnie na informacje o wojnie, ale w różnym stopniu. Rosyjska agresja na Ukrainę nie wpłynęła w sposób statystycznie istotny na rynki kryptowalut. Ograniczenia: w przyszłych badaniach warto wykorzystać większe próby badawcze, a także dokonać analizy czynników dodatkowo oddziałujących na reakcję rynków na informacje związane z rosyjską inwazją, takich jak wielkość rynku, wolumen obrotu, bliskość geograficzna czy zależność ekonomiczna w przypadku rynków akcji. Wartość: badanie może stanowić wartość dodaną dla inwestorów i regulatorów, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do oczekiwanego zachowania rynków oraz ich efektywności informacyjnej w czasie globalnego kryzysu .

EN

Purpose: This paper analyzes the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 on returns of three groups of assets, i.e., commodities, stocks, and cryptocurrencies. Methodology: The study was conducted using the event study method which allows for quantifying the reaction of market participants to releases of various types of information. Findings: The cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) suggest a mostly positive effect of the conflict outbreak on returns of several commodities, especially precious metals. The obtained results suggest that in times of global crises, investors may consider precious metals as a safe haven. The study also indicates that on the event day the examined stock markets reacted negatively to information about the war, but to varying degrees. The Russian aggression against Ukraine did not affect the cryptocurrency markets in a statistically significant manner. Research limitations: The future studies related to the issue of the impact of Russian aggression against Ukraine on different markets may utilize larger research samples. They also may look for some factors affecting the reaction of markets to information related to the Russian military aggression, like the size of markets, trading volume, or geographical proximity, and economic dependence in the case of equity markets. Value: The study may provide some practical implications for both investors and regulators, especially in relation to the expected behavior of the markets and their informational efficiency in times of global crisis.

9

Legitimacy and Nationalism in the Central Asian States: A Case of Kazakhstan in the Context of the War in Ukraine

63%

Shukuralieva N.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2024

|

nr 3(53)

65-77

EN

This paper aims to analyze selected mechanisms accompanying the processes of national revival in the Central Asian republics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The idea is to investigate the authorities’ actions, which legitimized themselves by appealing to national issues and controlling the processes of building national consciousness. The paper also covers the changes in the nationalist narrative in Kazakhstan in the context of the war in Ukraine, showing the tensions over national identities and loyalties. Some Kazakhs supported Russian aggression against Ukraine, to the great disappointment of national patriots, which has sparked a debate about how the “us” vs. “them” division should be understood in the face of war and a possible threat from Russia. Some participants in the debate question the reliability of equating national identity with loyalty to the state. In doing so, they challenge the government’s primordial narrative, in which nationality legitimizes or naturalizes the current configuration of political power.

10

A więc wojna! Pierwsze reakcje polskich tygodników opinii na rosyjską inwazję na Ukrainę

51%

Demel G.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2022

|

tom 84

|

nr 2

209-225

EN

The purpose of the article is to examine the initial reactions of the Polish opinion-forming weeklies to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The selection of titles includes examples from the conservative, centrist and liberal press. Assuming the constructivist notion of reality as discursively constructed, the author, using unstructured qualitative content analysis, strives to answer the following main research questions: How is Polish and Ukrainian society pictured in press materials? Which values are believed to be core for Poles helping Ukrainian refugees, for Polish, Ukrainian and European elites, and for Ukrainian society? Which of them are compromised by internal and external enemies? The author concludes that despite all the ideological differences between the examined weeklies, the general thematic and interpretation frames are very similar. Among them: ‘Poland helps Ukraine and does it efficiently’, ‘refugees from Ukraine deserve our help and compassion’, ‘Ukrainian society is extraordinarily united and patriotic’, ‘there are ‘Putin’s allies among the Polish and European elites and they should be revealed and neutralized’, ‘Poland (and/or Europe) have to change in order to survive’. The main differences are in who is considered to be ‘Putin’s ally’, and what values should be pursued in order to survive the threat.

PL

Celem artykułu jest zbadanie pierwszych reakcji polskich tygodników opinii na rosyjską inwazję na Ukrainę. Wybór obejmuje tytuły konserwatywne, centrowe i liberalne. Opierając się na konstruktywistycznym pojmowaniu rzeczywistości jako dyskursywnie konstruowanej, autor, stosując jakościową, nieustrukturyzowaną analizę treści, stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące główne pytania badawcze: jak w materiałach prasowych przedstawiane jest polskie i ukraińskie społeczeństwo? jakie wartości przedstawiane są jako fundamentalne dla Polaków pomagających ukraińskim uchodźcom, dla polskich, ukraińskich i europejskich elit oraz dla społeczeństwa ukraińskiego? które z nich są zagrożone przez wrogów wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych? Autor konkluduje, że pomimo wszystkich różnic ideologicznych między badanymi tygodnikami, ogólne ramy tematyczne, a nawet interpretacyjne, są bardzo zbliżone. Wśród nich: „Polska pomaga Ukrainie i czyni to skutecznie”, „Uchodźcy z Ukrainy zasługują na naszą pomoc i współczucie”, „społeczeństwo ukraińskie jest niezwykle zjednoczone i patriotyczne”, „wśród polskich i ukraińskich elit znajdują się »sojusznicy Putina« i powinni oni zostać ujawnieni i unieszkodliwieni”, Polska (i/lub Europa) muszą się zmienić, by przetrwać. Główne różnice dotyczą tego, kto jest „sprzymierzeńcem Putina” i jakimi wartościami należy się kierować, aby przetrwać zagrożenie.

11

Państwa Bliskiego Wschodu wobec rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę w 2022 roku. Stanowisko Izraela, Arabii Saudyjskiej i Islamskiej Republiki Iranu

51%

Mruk M.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

|

2023

|

nr 4(39)

157-177

RU

Ближний Восток особенно уязвим для вооруженных конфликтов и других актов агрессии из-за своего этнического, религиозного и культурного разнообразия. Война на Украине представляет собой политическую и экономическую проблему для государств Ближнего Востока, а именно: от различных дипломатических отношений между ними и Российской Федерацией и Украиной. После 24 февраля 2022 года лидеры и правительства стран Ближнего Востока выступили с рядом заявлений, в которых попытались выразить свою позицию по поводу провозглашения независимости сепаратистских Луганской и Донецкой Народных Республик и вторжения в Украину. Среди стран Ближнего Востока, выразивших свою позицию по поводу вооруженного конфликта в Украине, особо стоит обратить внимание на Израиль, Саудовскую Аравию и Иран. Эти три государства представляют собой крупнейшие политические, экономические и военные силы в регионе и различный подход к отношениям с Российской Федерацией как основной фактор, формирующий их позицию по вооруженному конфликту в Европе.

EN

The Middle East is particularly vulnerable to armed conflicts and other acts of aggression due to its ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. The war in Ukraine poses a political and economic challenge to the Middle East states, as follows from various diplomatic relations between them and the Russian Federation and Ukraine. After February 24, 2022, the leaders and governments of the Middle East countries issued a series of statements in which they tried to express their position on the declaration of independence of the separatist Lugansk and Donetsk People’s Republics and the invasion of Ukraine. Among the countries of the Middle East that have expressed their position on the armed conflict in Ukraine, it is particularly worth paying attention to Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran. These three states constitute the largest political, economic and military forces in the region and a different approach to relations with the Russian Federation as the main factor shaping their position on the armed conflict in Europe.

12

Політичний феномен російсько-української війни

44%

Shergin S.

Проблеми всесвітньої історії

|

2023

|

nr 23

7-17

EN

The article presents political analyses of the Russia-Ukraine war in the context of actual problems of contemporary international relations. The main attention is paid to political and historical aspects of the war within the process of international system’s transformation. It’s noted that the main reason of the Russia-Ukraine war is a complicated complex of circumstances and factors, first of all a conflict nature of post-soviet space and the Russia’s striving to be the dominant power in this macro region. Moreover, one of the principal reasons is totalitarian political regime that considers the application of armed forces as the most effective means of geopolitics. Furthermore, American research concepts and political positions of the “Collective West” – USA EU and NATO country-members on the war in Ukraine have been considered. Multilateral support of Ukraine and condemnation of the aggressor-state by the most counties of international community converted the Russia-Ukraine war into the core factor of global politics. It is emphasized that the victory of liberal democracy world over aggressive and totalitarian state not only possible but would contribute to resolve the urgent global problems.

UK

Стаття презентує політичний аналіз російсько-української війни у контексті актуальних проблем сучасних міжнародних відносин. Особливу увагу приділено розгляду причин і факторів війни в процесі трансформації сучасної міжнародної системи. Констатується, що причиною російсько-української війни є складний комплекс обставин і факторів, передусім конфліктогенність пострадянського простору та прагнення РФ відігравати роль домінантної сили в цьому макрорегіоні. Зокрема, однією з головних причин є тоталітарний політичний режим, який вважає використання воєнної сили найефективнішим засобом геополітики. Розглядаються також американські дослідницькі концепції та політичні позиції «колективного Заходу» – США, ЄС і НАТО щодо війни в Україні. Багатостороння підтримка України та засудження держави-агресора більшістю країн світової спільноти перетворили російсько-українську війну на ключовий фактор глобальної політики. Підкреслюється, що перемога ліберально-демократичної більшості країн світу над агресивною тоталітарною державою не тільки можлива, але й здатна прискорити розв’язання нагальних міжнародних проблем.