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EN
A new EU framework to strengthen the rule of law, presented by the European Commission in March 2014, seeks to ensure effective and coherent protection of one of the values on which the European Union is founded. The new framework is to precede and complement the Article 7 TEU procedure and infringement procedures under Article 258 TFEU. Nevertheless, this initiative is just a prelude to future treaty changes that could lead to more systematic and autonomous monitoring of fundamental rights within the EU, depolitisation of the mechanisms ensuring respect of EU common values and strengthening the role of the European Commission and the Court of Justice of the European Union in this area.
EN
Promoting the rule of the law is a national responsibility. The obligation to ensure legality and advance human rights rests on the national government. This article analyzes how federalism, a system of distributing power among subnational entities, can promote this national goal. The article explores how states in the United States have played an important role in encouraging the federal government to enforce the law and safeguard rights. By means of resistance, cooperation, and redundancy, states have moved the United States closer to rule-of-law ideals. The state action sometimes takes the form of litigation, with states bringing suit against the federal government. Such suits have particular significance in challenging illegal inaction by the national government, as when the federal government fails to enforce environmental laws. Litigation by states may overcome standing barriers that would limit such suits by private individuals. States may also engage in direct action by pursuing their own policies that promote the rule of law. In these areas, the states may oppose the federal government, cooperate with the federal government, or act in an independent, parallel manner. What unites all of these modes and instruments of state-federal interaction is that the goal of states is to influence national policy. The state action may begin within the boundaries of a particular state, but what motivates the state initiative is a vision applicable to the nation as a whole. The ultimate aim of state action is not local divergence, but national uniformity. Federalism serves not as a license for local deviation from national norms, but instead as a means for states to engage actively in creating policy at a national level. In this way, independent state activity can indeed promote the national obligation to promote the rule of law throughout the country.
EN
Against the backdrop of the “normative power Europe” (Manners, 2002) thesis, this paper investigates the rule of law crisis in Poland and its implications on private companies' performance and investment decisions. The rule of law plays a crucial role in companies' investment activity, while at the same time is also a central category in the EU's legal and political edifice. These two problems are rarely analysed together as inter-linked realities, which, in fact, they are. The central question of this paper is how the rule of law's deterioration in Poland influences the private investment level in the country's economy and what it might mean for the further political integration of the EU. Among the theories applied were those linked to the institutional approach, i.e., new institutional economics, while among the methods themselves, it was qualitative methods which were used over quantitative methods. It is argued that the political and legal crisis, which has placed Poland in an adversarial position towards the EU, may result in a long-term deterioration of the investment climate in Poland. It may also induce political instability and legal disintegration in the EU.
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EN
On the basis of the Treaty of Nice, the European Union institutions have obtained a crucial right to inspection rule of law in its Member States, encompassing the areas of law being within their exclusive competence. The main aim of the study is to analyze the legitimacy of this extensive intrusion European Union in particular from the point of view of the objectives of this organization. The author indicates that the area in which the European Union has a real interest are the elections to the national authorities that participate in the European Union legislative procedure. Election of this authorities in undemocratic procedure weakens – already undermined – legitimacy of the European Union. The author postulates thereby limiting the scope of this control.
EN
Design/methodology/approach: A critical analysis of legal texts, namely, EU treaties, regulations, rulings of the Court of Justice, and the subsequent laws adopted at the national level in Poland. The content of the legal norms actually in force needed to be established precisely through the rules of interpretation. The analysis, in chronological order, is on the sequence of legislative activities and was combined in the study with an analysis of political discourse of the Polish government formed by the Law and Justice party (PiS) in the context of breaches of EU law. Purpose: The research focuses on actions that violate EU law in Poland in area of the rule of law in comparison with the approach taken by the EU institutions responsible for monitoring Member States’ compliance with EU law. Findings: The developed standards by EU institutions, procedures, and informal negotiation mechanisms proved to be ineffective. In addition, an application for the disbursement of funds contingent on the fulfilment of the National Reconstruction Plan’s (Krajowy Plan Odbudowy, hereafter, NRP) conditions was not submitted before the end of the government’s term in 2023, as this would have allowed the EC to formally assess the state of the rule of law in Poland, which would have had clear (financial) consequences. Research limitations/implications: The analysis was limited to the origins and the main subsequent legislative activities aggravating the state of non-compliance with the rule of law in the area of Polish judiciary during the period of the government formed in the years 2016–2023 by PiS. Originality/value: Would Poland have received funds only after completing the activities indicated in the milestones? Should we expect a change in the EU institution’s current approach to EU law violations in its relations with Member States?
EN
The Rule of Law serves, under a broadly accepted notion of justice, the enforcement of property rights and a relative predictability of citizen affairs, i.e. it fosters Public Value. However, it is subject to risks that materialise in weakened institutions, uncertainty and transaction costs. The connection between Public Value and the Rule of Law becomes salient when understanding how the latter degenerates at the expense of the former. This article provides two theoretical frameworks that explain the connection between the two concepts, as well as three manifestations of the Rule of Law’s decay. These comprise the excess of legal-formalism, the excess of discretion in enforcement and the instrumentalisation of the law, i.e. when it embodies injustice. Although they vary depending on the legal system, these aspects build a conceptual body that illustrates how contingent legal outcomes affect society, developing Daly’s (2019) concept of democratic decay in the economics and business literature.
EN
Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021's parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.
EN
Many Americans and outside observers assume that the United States of America was founded upon a cluster of principles known as the “Rule of Law”. Indeed, Articles I, II, and III of the United States Constitution of 1789, purportedly establish the rights and authorities of three co-equal branches of government: the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Adherence to the Rule of Law in the United States, however, has a much shorter history. During the 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries, the President of the United States – leader of the executive branch—often ignored or contradicted decisions by the judiciary when it served their ambitions. Monumental architecture and actions by early Justices on the U.S. Supreme Court also testify that the judiciary was the least respected branch in the U.S. government. Not until 1954 with the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision of Brown v. Board of Education and its vigorous enforcement by the President of the United States – nearly 200 years after America’s founding – can the United States accurately be described as a nation that consistently follows the Rule of Law. With the repeated questionable and unconstitutional tactics deployed by the Trump administration, however, this period of the Rule of Law in the United States is waning. To prevent its continued decline, the Rule of Law in the United States (and elsewhere) must be vigorously protected and nurtured. For in the end, the Rule of Law is merely an idea, a belief that must be acted upon to be realized. When not constantly protected and cultivated, the Rule of Law can and will wither.
EN
The Interior Review, as a professional-scientific forum, from its beginning to the change of the political system, facilitated the professional training of the employees of the Hungarian Ministry of Interior bodies, the tracing, professional processing, publication and perfection of the best domestic and international practices and experiences and thus the forming and development of the science of law enforcement. The Review and its professional-scientific activity played an important role in the forming and deepening of the interior activities subject to the modern rule of law.
PL
Materialna niezależność sędziów stanowi jedną z istotnych gwarancji ich niezawisłości, a zarazem prawidłowego funkcjonowania wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Oczywiście nie należy z tego wyciągać wniosku o istnieniu prostej zależności między statusem materialnym sędziów a ich niezawisłością, ani zakładać generalnego zakazu obniżania wynagrodzeń sędziowskich. Niewątpliwie jednak istnieje pewien związek między poziomem wynagrodzeń sędziowskich a kwestią sędziowskiej niezawisłości. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza powyższego związku, a zwłaszcza przesłanek dopuszczalności „zamrażania” waloryzacji wynagrodzeń sędziowskich w świetle międzynarodowych standardów prawnych. Artykuł powstał na kanwie konkretnego stanu faktycznego, gdyż w 2023 r. doszło w Polsce, po raz trzeci z rzędu, do „zamrożenia” waloryzacji wynagrodzenia zasadniczego sędziów sądów powszechnych.
EN
The material independence of judges is one of the essential guarantees of their independence and, at the same time, the proper functioning of the judiciary. Of course, one should not conclude from this that there is a simple relationship between independence and the material status of judges, nor should one presume a general prohibition on reducing judicial salaries. Undoubtedly, however, commensurate remuneration is permanently linked to the question of judicial independence. The aim of this article is to analyze premises of the permissibility of “freezing” adjustment of judges’ salaries in the light of international legal standards. The article is based on a specific factual situation, as in 2023, that basic salary adjustment for judges of common courts in Poland was “frozen” for the third year in a row.
EN
Nadrzędność prawa, zasady legalności, pewność prawa i sprawiedliwy proces uznający prawa podejrzanego i oskarżonego są podstawowymi aspektami państwa prawnego. Trybunał ustanowiony przez prawo, dostępny dla obywateli, składający się z bezstronnych i niezawisłych sędziów, którzy swoje decyzje opierają na zasadach będących rdzeniem „demokratycznego państwa świeckiego i socjalnego, rządzonego przez prawo”, jak stanowi Konstytucja Turcji z 1982 r., ma długą historię w Turcji. Prawa stanowiące o rzetelnym procesie, takie jak ustanowienie obowiązkowego obrońcy przez podejrzanego na wczesnym etapie dochodzenia, prawo do przesłuchiwania świadków zeznających na niekorzyść podejrzanego i ochrona „wrażliwych” pokrzywdzonych, rozwinęły się w Turcji w ramach parlamentarnego systemu demokratycznego, który obowiązywał do 2018 r. Regulacje dotyczące postępowania w przypadku aktów terroryzmu, wprowadzone po okresie stanu wyjątkowego przypadającego na lata 2016-2018, są aktualnie pod nadzorem sędziów i obowiązywać będą przez trzy lata. Nowo wprowadzony reżim demokracji prezydenckiej z pewnością wzmocni rozwój państwa prawa.
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