The article is aimed at introducing the brief recapitulation of the history of Polish Rus’. This history begins from Mieszko I of Poland (Red Ruthenia or Red Rus’ – that was as a matter of fact the residence of the Polish tribes). Gradually the Polish dominion (The Crown of the Kingdom of Poland) was stretched out on the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia (during the reign of Casimir the Great), and after the Union of Lublin – on the Volhynia and the rest of territories that nowadays belong to Ukraine. During the second Rzeczpospolita (The second Commonwealth of Poland) Polish Rus’ encompassed the Volhynia and the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia (Galicia – Eastern Małopolska, e.g. Lesser Poland). After 1945 the Polish Rus’ got separated from Poland (except Red Ruthenia or Red Rus’).
In this study the author rejects the beliefs deeply rooted in Polish historiography that the eminent writer of the Polish Renaissance, Stanisław Orzechowski, was of Ukrainian descent. Associating his roots with Ukraine results from Orzechowski’s defining himself as a Roxolani. Research based on sources indicates that he was not a descendant of the Orthodox family of Baraniecki, neither was his grandfather an Orthodox priest. The writer’s Ukrainianness ought to be perceived more generally as a sort of local patriotism of the gentry of Red Ruthenia.
From a traditional historiographic perspective the treaty of Namslau (Namyslow) made in November 1348 between Casimir the Great and Roman and Czech king Charles IV of Luxembourg constituted a breakthrough in the Polish-Teutonic relations. It included a clause according to which the Czechs were to help Poland against the Teutonic Order if the Order occupied some of Poland’s territories. It was not a declaration to carry out the anti-Teutonic action on the part of the Polish king, but one of the elements making the Treaty of Namslau quite insignificant from the very beginning, which was obvious to both parties. It did not affect the Polish-Teutonic relations, which is proved by the border agreement concluded in June 1349. Apart from the detailed delimitation, it included an important clause guaranteeing the freedom of trade for all merchants crossing the border area of the Vistula. The agreement was the first to define the border line between Greater Poland and Pomerania (which was under the Teutonic rule), and included some modifications which took place in respect to the borders. At the same time King Casimir the Great took measures to revive the trade relations with the Teutonic State. Until the end of 1349 the monarch issued three documents guaranteeing the freedom of movement of Prussian merchants (particularly the ones from Torun) to Ruthenia, where he defeated the Lithuanians at the time. The revival of trade affected also other areas, which quickly led to frictions resulting from the fact that traditional centres suffered losses because of the appearance of new routes. The evidence for this conflict was a letter of April 1350 from the authorities of Kalisz to the council of Torun. The settlement made through the mediation of the Gniezno archbishop Jaroslaw Bogoria, mentioned in a royal document of August 1350, prevented the escalation of the conflict, the element of which was the confliscation of cloth from Polish merchants which took place in Torun. Casimir the Great was interested in resolving the conflict amicably as the spring and summer of 1350 was characterized by the intensive military activity of Lithuania in Ruthenia.
Die Analyse des Quellenmaterials, das die Ratiborer Přemysliden im Hinblick auf ihre Familienbeziehungen mit den Vertretern des polnischen Magnatentums im 15. Jahrhundert und am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts betrifft, lässt das bisherige Wissen um die genealogischen Fakten mehrerer Generationen dieser Dynastie wesentlich korrigieren. Gemeint sind hier: Her‑ zog Wenzel von Ratibor (gest. 1456), der mit Małgorzata aus Szamotuły verheiratet war, und dann die Nachkommenschaft aus dieser Ehe: Jan (gest. 1493), Anna und vor allem Helena, die Jan Ostroróg heiratete, sowie Katarzyna, die mit Włodko aus Danabórz, dem Kastellan von Nakło, verheiratet war, und Nikolaus von Ratibor (gest. 1506), ein Sohn von Jan, der Anna aus Tęczyn heiratete. Es ist auch gelungen, das Wissen um das Schicksal von Gütern zu ordnen, die zur Mitgift in Großpolen, Ruthenien und im Herzogtum Ratibor wurden. Aus der vorliegenden Analyse sind auch folgende allgemeinen Schlussfolgerungen zu ziehen: die Eheschließung mit den herzoglichen Familien ermöglichte den Magnatenfamilien, ein großes Prestige zu erlan‑ gen, die Ehe mit einer Edelfrau aus der Magnatenfamilie bedeutete hingegen für die herzogliche Seite vor allem die Möglichkeit, ihre finanzielle Situation aufgrund einer von der Ehefrau eingebrachten entsprechend großen Mitgift zu verbessern. Zweifelsohne brachten solche Ehen auch die politischen Vorteile für beide Seiten. Die Edelfrauen, die Herzoge heirateten, wurden dagegen zu den vollberechtigten Herzoginnen und mit solch einem Titel wurden sie angespro‑ chen, auch wenn sie schon als Witwen in die Heimat, nach Polen, zurückkehrten.
EN
The analysis of primary sources concerning the Opava-Ratibor Přemyslid family in the context of their familial relationships with the representatives of the Polish magnates in the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century has allowed to issue significant corrections regard‑ ing the previous state of genealogical knowledge regarding several generations of the dynas‑ ty, namely: Wenceslaus II, Duke of Opava-Ratibor (died 1456), who married Małgorzata of Szamotuły and their progeny: Jan (died 1493), Anna, and most importantly: Helena, who mar‑ ried Jan Ostroróg; Katarzyna, who married Włodko of Danabórz, the Castellan of Nakło; and Mikołaj of Ratibor (died 1506), the son of Jan, who married Anna of Tęczyn. Moreover, it has become possible to organize the data concerning the history of the estates in the Greater Poland, Ruthenia and the Duchy of Ratibor, which were given as dowry. In addition, the above analysis allows to form more general conclusions, namely, that the magnate families achieved prestige by marrying into ducal families, while the latter were given the means to increase their wealth due to the large dowries bequeathed by the wives. Thus, both sides benefited politically. Noble women, on the other hand, by marrying dukes were given the opportunity to become and be regarded as duchesses, even after they returned to their families as widows.
JavaScript jest wyłączony w Twojej przeglądarce internetowej. Włącz go, a następnie odśwież stronę, aby móc w pełni z niej korzystać.