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EN
The paper is an analysis of the scene in Ant. XI, 8: the supposed meeting between Alexander the Great and the Jewish High Priest, revealing Alexander’s special status as a chosen of God. The analysis concentrates on two issues: the literary character of the description and the problem of Alexander’s kingship as presented in Jewish literature.
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Content available remote Jezus i chrześcijanie w żydowskiej prasie początku XX wieku
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The Jewish research about Jesus in the beginning of the 20th century was characterized by the efforts to find some parallels between the Gospel and Rabbinic literature. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century,The Liberal Judaism movement tried to describe Jesus as a person who understood the essence of Judaism putting at its center the prophetic and moral component while it considered the Jewish Law and cult as secondary. This emphatic approach of Liberal Jews towards Jesus was severely criticized by figures of the Orthodox Judaism. Other critics came from the Zionist circles. An article by the renowned Hebrew writer, intellectual and journalist Yossef Haim Brenner published on 24 November 1910 in the Hebrew Labor movement journal of Palestine “Ha-Poel Ha-Tzair”, on the problem of conversions and Jewish relations with Christianity created an unprecedented debate in the Jewish world which lasted not less than three years. Brenner argued that conversion to Christianity does not threat the future of the Jewish people because most of the youth are not addicts of the “nonsense of theology”, Jewish or Christian. But the controversy awaked from his attitude to the New Testament. As an atheist, Brenner denies to the New Testament its sacred status, but he still thinks that “this book is a bone of our bones and flesh of our flesh”. Moreover, he says, that even if he does not tend to idealize the figure of “that Galilean young man” – Jesus – he does not consider him, however, as a” useless, unproductive vagabond, full of pride and laughable” but as a composed, complicated figure: “Anyway, he was not one man, he hesitated very much, was full of controversy and doubts about his role, changed from day to day and concentrated on different aspects, tragic as well as comic …” Brenner was fiercely attacked by the leading Zionist intellectual Ahad Haam, but defended, for instance, by his friend, journalist and future creator and Prime minister of the State of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, the renovator of the Hebrew language Eliezer Ben Yehuda or the Labor movement leader and intellectual A.D. Gordon. “The Brenner Case” debate took place in Hebrew, Yiddish and Russian in about twenty newspapers published in ten countries. As Brenner was denounced by the Jerusalemite Sephardi-rightist ‘Ha-Herut” and the “Committee of Zion Lovers” in Odessa cancelled its financial support to “Ha-Poel Ha-Tzair” and asked to change the editorial staff- the “Brenner Case” turned also into a struggle on freedom of expression and freedom of the press. In the meanwhile Professor Joseph Klausner started to publish his series “Jesus the Christian- his time, his life and his theory” in the journal “He-Atid” edited in Berlin by Sh.Y. Horovitz. His romantic vision of Jesus as national hero and poet, definitively expressed later in his book published in 1922, profoundly influenced the vision of Jesus among the contemporary generation of Hebrew writers. The Brenner Case and other such controversies not only enlighten us as to why positive Jewish appraisals of Jesus and Christianity typically met with so much fierce opposition, they also reveal the wider ideological currents that led to such positive appraisals in the first place. Intellectuals like Brenner, and Hurwitz, or even less radical writers like Klausner, looked upon Jesus and Christianity more sympathetically than traditionally minded Jews largely because of their expanded notions of Jewishness , or their changing views on the nature of the relationship between Judaism, Jewish history and Western history and culture, including Christianity. For radical writers, unlike the Cultural Zionists’ majority, reclaiming Jesus as a Jewish figure with laudable merits of some kind, showed their willingness to challenge and reject traditional attitudes and taboos concerning Jesus as part of their attempt to overthrow several aspects of Jewish tradition more generally. It also helped to serve the goal of presenting Judaism as more universal and in line with Christian European culture. Finally, as radical secularists but also Jewish nationalists, these writers expressed their views on Jesus and Christianity as part of defining a new Jewish national identity not based on traditional religious categories or old boundaries between Jews and Christians.
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Content available Religijne oszacowanie człowieka w judaizmie
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The issue of the religious assessment of human value appears in Judaism particularly in the context of redemption from vows and is based on biblical law found in the twenty-seventh chapter of the Book of Leviticus. In this context, the Torah assigns values to people from infancy to old age as follows: a man aged 20–60 is valued at 50 silver shekels, while a woman of the same age is valued at 30 silver shekels; for those aged 5–20, a male youth is valued at 20 silver shekels, and a girl at 10; for children aged 1 month to 5 years, a boy is valued at 5 silver shekels, and a girl at 3; for the elderly, aged 60 and above, an elderly man is valued at 15 silver shekels, and an elderly woman at 10 silver shekels (Lev. 27:3–8). This law applied during the existence of the Temple in Jerusalem and concerned situations where someone made a vow, dedicating to the Temple the "value" (Hebrew: erekh) of a person. In such cases, individuals were not assessed based on their personal qualities but according to a fixed tariff depending on their age and gender. This law is discussed in key ancient works of rabbinic literature (Mishnah, Tosefta, Gemara), particularly in the tractate Arakhin – Valuations (of redemption). The purpose of this article is to familiarize Polish readers with issues related to the valuation of human worth as presented in the Torah, in the context of vows dedicating one’s own or another's value to the Temple, or redemption from such vows. These issues were addressed by Talmudic scholars, especially the authors of the Mishnah, which forms the essence of Judaism’s oral tradition. The article delves into these matters, supported by the testimony of the Mishnah. This valuation does not reflect the actual value of human life, which in Judaism is of the highest value, nor the inherent dignity of life, which in Judaism is absolute and independent of gender or age. Rather, it is a symbolic and functional system designed to facilitate the practical fulfillment of obligations to the Temple.
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Zagadnienie religijnego oszacowania wartości człowieka pojawia się w judaizmie szczególnie w kontekście wykupienia ze ślubowania i opiera się na się na prawie biblijnym, zawartym w dwudziestym siódmym rozdziale Księgi Kapłańskiej. W tym kontekście Tora ustala wartość człowieka od niemowlęcia do sędziwego wieku. Przedstawia się to następująco: mężczyznę w wieku od dwudziestu do sześćdziesięciu lat szacuje się na 50 srebrnych szekli, a kobietę w tym wieku na 30 srebrnych szekli; w wieku od pięciu do dwudziestu lat – młodzieniec 20 srebrnych szekli, a dziewczyna 10; dzieci w wieku od miesiąca do pięciu lat – chłopiec 5 srebrnych szekli, a dziewczynka 3, ludzie starsi od sześćdziesięciu lat wzwyż – starzec 15 srebrnych szekli, a staruszka 10 srebrnych szekli (Kpł 27,3-8). Prawo to obowiązywało w czasach istnienia Świątyni w Jerozolimie i dotyczyło sytuacji, gdy ktoś składał ślubowanie, oddając na rzecz Świątyni „wartość” (hebr. erech) osoby, którą w takich przypadkach szacowano nie według jej osobistych cech, ale według ustalonej taryfy zależnej od wieku i płci. Prawem tym zajmują się główne starożytne dzieła  literatury rabinicznej (Miszna, Tosefta, Gemara), szczególnie w traktacie Arachin – Wartości (wykupu). Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie polskiemu czytelnikowi zagadnień związanych z wyceną wartości człowieka zawartą w Torze w kontekście ślubowania poświęcenia na rzecz Świątyni swojej lub czyjejś wartości lub wykupienia ze złożonego ślubowania. Z tymi problemami przyszło zmagać się uczonym talmudycznym, a w szczególności twórcom Miszny, która stanowi istotę tradycji ustnej judaizmu. Artykuł sięga w głąb tych zagadnień podpierając się świadectwem Miszny. To oszacowanie nie odzwierciedla rzeczywistej wartości życia ludzkiego, które w judaizmie stanowi najwyższą wartość,  ani jego godności, która w judaizmie jest absolutna i niezależna od płci czy wieku. Jest to raczej system symboliczny i funkcjonalny, który miał na celu ułatwienie praktycznego spełnienia zobowiązań wobec Świątyni.  
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Content available Insights on the Bar Kokhba Revolt from the Coins
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Without having any contemporaneous account of the Bar Kokhba Revolt comparable to the writings of Josephus that describe the First Jewish Revolt, our knowledge about many aspects of the later uprising is rather sketchy. The publication of Roman military diplomas and the remarkable series of documents recovered from caves in the Judaean Desert, along with other major archaeological findings, has filled in just some of missing details. This study is devoted to a reexamination of the rebel coinage. It has highlighted the importance of the numismatic evidence in helping to elucidate the religious ideology that succoured the rebellion and shaped its leadership.
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Mędrcy talmudyczni określili zasady zwracania się do obcego, w szczególności w przypadku nastania szabatu, podczas którego Miszna (Szab 7,2) zabrania wykonania trzydziestu dziewięciu rodzajów prac. Powstało pytanie: Czy obcy może w szabat wykonać dla Żyda zabronioną pracę? Biblia hebrajska wyraźnie tego zabrania: „Pamiętaj o dniu szabatu, żeby go uświęcić. Sześć dni będziesz pracował i wykonywał swoje zajęcia. Siódmy dzień jednak jest szabatem dla Pana Boga twego, nie wykonasz żadnej pracy ani ty, ani twój syn, ani twoja córka, ani twój sługa, ani twoja służąca, ani twoje bydło, ani obcy, który jest w twych bramach” (Wj 20,9-10). Główna zasada talmudyczna głosi: „Żadnej pracy, której żydowi nie wolno wykonać w szabat, nie wolno mu zlecić jej wykonania obcemu”. Tora spisana stanowi zamknięty zbiór, do którego nie wolno nic dodać ani nic z niego ująć. Celem Tory ustnej jest wyjaśnienie Prawa spisanego i jego aktualizacja. Czy życie nie niesie sytuacji wyjątkowych i czy w takich przypadkach można zwrócić się do obcego o wykonanie zabronionej pracy, a jeśli tak, to jak to zrobić? Autor przedstawia talmudyczne opinie na ten temat oraz współczesne próby rozwiązania tego problemu.
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The sages of the Talmud determined the ways of treating aliens, especially in the case of the Sabbath during which Mishnah (Shab. 7:2) prohibits any of the thirty-nine types of labour. The question arose whether the alien may perform any type of prohibited work for the Jew. The Hebrew Bible most definitely prohibits this: “Remember the Sabbath day in order to sanctify it. Six days you shall work and you shall do your tasks. But the seventh day is the Sabbath to the Lord your God; on it you shall not do any work, neither you, nor your son or daughter, nor your male or female servant, nor your cattle, nor the resident alien who is within your gates” (Ex 20:9-10). The basic principle of the Talmud states: ”No work which the Jew is not allowed to do on the Sabbath may be done by the alien.” The Written Torah is a closed set which does not permit any addition or subtraction of books. The purpose of the Oral Torah is to interpret the meaning of the written Law and to bring it up to date. Doesn’t life bring extraordinary situations and may we ask the alien to do the prohibited work in such cases, and if so, how can it be done? The author of the paper presents the Talmud’s treatment of this subject and modern-day attempts to solve the problem.
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