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ŠEVČENKOVO SLAVIANOFILSTVO: PÔVOD A CONTEXT

100%

Charčuková R.

tom 66

nr 1

2 - 8

The author of the article comes to the conclusion that Ukrainian Slavophilism was formed on the basis of Herder’s theory about Slavs as the pigeon-like, softy people, of J. Kollár’s and P. J. Šafárik’s works about Slavic cultural and linguistic revivals. Also it was formed in the context of classical Russian Slavophilism of the 1840s and as a distinct alternative to it. Ukrainian Slavophilism was a Slavophilism of non-historical people for its political rebirth. Ukrainian Slavophilism like the Polish one proved, that Russian Slavophiles from the very beginning accented on special Russian Soul and distinction from the West in the 1870s turned into Pan-Slavism. M. Pogodin’s letters to S. Uvarov, the Minister of National Education of that time, prove that M. Pogodin was a main agent of Russian influence in Czech. The paper investigates what Shevchenko knew about P. J. Šafárik, whose papers he read in Russian translation. The Ukrainian poet did not know that P. J. Šafárik was Slovak, referred to him in the poem Heretic as to Czech-Slav. One of the Ukrainian Slavophiles M. Rigelman corresponded with Ľudovít Štúr, so Shevchenko in theory might have heard about the Slovak question from him. However, even the works of Šafárik himself did not testify to his Slavocentrism. The paper uses method of comparative study. The goal of the paper is to show the differences between Ukrainian and Russian Slavophilism of the 1840s and the reason why the Slavic people in the 19th century accepted Ukrainians and Poles looking for support in Russa.

BETWEEN BOHEMIA AND RUSSIA: ĽUDOVÍT ŠTÚR, SLOVAK IDENTITY, AND THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE SLAVIC WORLD

100%

Van Duin P. C.

tom 9

nr 2

50 – 73

This essay tries to analyse the ‘Slav idea’, the structure of ‘Slavic thought’ of Ľudovít Štúr, and to explain why it was an attractive ideological option for him. Štúr’s Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft is seen as more or less a natural continuation of his life-long ideological tendencies. But it is also argued that Štúr can be seen as a man with ‘two souls’ in his political personality. On the one hand, his activities were part of the Slav and Central European struggle for national emancipation, social reform, and democratic rights. On the other hand, many of his writings were marked by a belief in the special character and historical mission of the Slavs, and of the Slovaks and the Russians in particular. His All-Slav ideas were reinforced by the influence of Russian Slavophiles and Pan-Slavists, furthering the conviction that Slav political unity was to be implemented under Russian leadership. The Slovaks were seen as having remained linguistically closest to the original Slavs living in the Pannonian homeland and, therefore, as a special Slav group. Russia was seen as the political centre that was needed to unite the Slavs and to confer on them the leading historical role that Herder and Kollár had foreseen they would play. Meanwhile the values of democracy, equality, and other European ideals retreated to the margins. Aside from preserving the ‘old Slav village community’ as a model of social justice, the Slav idea was incapable of producing any remarkable social or political ideas. Instead it idealised Tsarist autocracy and the Orthodox Church as a conservative alternative to modern Europe.