Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Dwa rękopiśmienne Korany w zbiorach Biblioteki Kórnickiej

100%

Jakubowski F. A.

Pamiętnik Biblioteki Kórnickiej

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2020

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tom 37

53-64

EN

There are two Qur’an manuscripts in the collection of the Kórnik Library (Poland) – BK 1716 and BK 2676. The first one, dating from the 17th century, is rich in different types of scribal errors and serves as an interesting example of ways of amending them. The second one, dating from the 15th century, includes interesting illuminations and calligraphy. This paper is a detailed analysis of these manuscripts, including their covers, decorations and scribal errors.

2

Starość w ujęciu islamu - stonowisko tekstów źródłowych: Koranu i hadisów

100%

Stefaniuk T.

Theologica Wratislaviensia

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2015

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tom 10. Widoki na starość. Interdyscyplinarne studia gerontologiczne

117-127

EN

This article is devoted to a discussion of old age in terms of Muslim theology. It starts with a brief reminder of Muslim religious anthropology. In the next part I focus on what the verses of the Quran say about old age, and how these verses were interpreted by Muslim scholars. The Quran instructs primarily being a good and caring in relation to old parents, presenting, among others, the stories of the prophets who treated their parents in a very noble and merciful way. I also focus on numerious hadiths discussing various issues related to old age - calling for showing respect to every older man, regardless of his or her race, religion or social origin. In the final passages I draw attention to some elements of Islamic etiquette and Sharia referring to aging and the elderly.

3

DWA RĘKOPIŚMIENNE KORANY W ZBIORACH BIBLIOTEKI KÓRNICKIEJ

100%

Jakubowski F. A.

Pamiętnik Biblioteki Kórnickiej

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2020

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nr 37

53-64

EN

Th ere are two Qur’an manuscripts in the collection of the Kórnik Library (Poland) – BK 1716 and BK 2676. Th e fi rst one, dating from the 17th century, is rich in diff erent types of scribal errors and serves as an interesting example of ways of amending them. Th e second one, dating from the 15th century, includes interesting illuminations and calligraphy. Th is paper is a detailed analysis of these manuscripts, including their covers, decorations and scribal errors.

4

Miłosierdzie jako synonim zbawienia w Koranie. Refleksje lingwistyczno-teologiczne

89%

Micherdziński M.

Analecta Cracoviensia

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2012

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tom 44

EN

There is the idea of divine mercy in Quran. It is expressed by the words of Arabic vocabulary derivated from the triliteral verbal root رحم rḥm. The fundamental means of expressing the mystery of divine mercy is the ritual formula it`s name Basmalah بسْمِ لِله ا ﺮﻟَّحْﻤَانِِ ا ﺮﻟَّحِﻴمِ bi-smi l-Lāhi r-Raḥmāni r-raḥími – „In the Name of Allāh, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful”. ʼAr-Raḥmānu ( أ ﺮﻟَّحْﻤٰﻦُ ) and ʼAr-Raḥímu ( ا ﺮﻟَّحِﻴمِ ) are two names derived from ʼAr-Raḥmatu ( رَحْﻤَﺔ ) – „the mercy”, but more meanings that pertain to mercy than ʼAr-Raḥímu. This formula means the belonging to a community of Islam believers. Another formula is إنَّ لُله غَ ﻮﻔرٌ رَحِﻴمٌ ʼinna l-Lāhu ġafūrun raḥīmun – „Verily, Allāh his Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful!” (S. V, 34. 39; IX, 9. 99. 102; XLIX, 14; LXXIII, 28) and its modifications. It`s used to confirm the credibility of the truths of faith and the moral norms divinely revealed. The divine revelation in Quran and its realisation in earthly life is signified with the followings pairs of derivatives of root رحم rḥm: هُﺪَﻯ ﻭرَحْﻤَﺔ )ﻭ ) (wa)-hudà wa-raḥmatun – „(and) a guidance and a mercy” (S. VI, 157; VII, 52; XVI, 64; XXVII, 76–77; XXXI, 2– إﻣَاﻡٌ ﻭرَحْﻤَﺔ ,( 3 ʼimāmun wa-raḥmatun – „a guide and a mercy” (S. XLVI, شِﻔاءٌ ﻭرَحْﻤَﺔ , 12 šifāʼun wa-raḥmatun – „a cure and a mercy” (S. XVII, ﻣَغْﻔِﺮَﺓ ﻣِﻦَ لِله ﻭرَحْﻤَﺔ ,( 82 maġfiratun mina l-Lāhi wa-raḥmatun – „forgiveness and mercy from Allāh” (S. III, فضْلُ الِله ﻭرَحْﻤَتُﻪُ ,( 157 faḏlu l-Lāhi wa-raḥmatuhu – „the grace and mercy of Allāh” (S. IV, صَ ﻮﻠَاﺕٌ ﻣِﻦْ رَبِّﻬمْ ﻭرَحْ ﺔﻤ ,( 83 ṣalawātun min rabbihim wa-raḥmatun – „who are blessed from their Lord and receive His mercy” (S. II, 157). Allāh, the Most Merciful, is absolutely independent in giving salvation. It is signified with phrase ﻣَﻦْ ﻳَﺸَاءُ man yašāʼu – „whom He wills” (S. II, 105). Divine mercy is better ( خَﻴْﺮٌ ẖayrun) from all, what man has on earth. Therefore in Quran there are more prayers for divine mercy and to divine mercy. Complementary to words derivated from the root رحم rḥm are the derivatives from the root رأف rʼf. In spite of more similiarity to biblical science about divine mercy, the author of Quran created own divine mercy conception. He throws away all of trinitology, christology, soteriology and staurology.

5

The Terrorism of Islamic Fundamentalists

88%

Zubrzycki W.

Internal Security

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2017

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tom 9(2)

157-169

EN

Fundamentalism is a general term denoting religious movements which consider religious traditions to be of the highest importance and are reluctant to introduce any changes which are seen as an infringement of religious identity. Fundamentalism is a characteristic of all religions in the world, however, in the case of Islam — in the recent years — it has often been the cause of terrorist acts. The dogmata of Islam are defined in the Quran, according to which there are five pillars of Islam to which every Muslim has to adhere. The characteristic feature of Islamic fundamentalism is to introduce specific ways of life based on traditional standards described in the Quran, they define social and political aspects of life as well as detachment from the Western way of life. The cause of this is frustration and social dissatisfaction along with a rejection of modern methods and changes proposed by the West. Preaching slogans which encourage fighting against injustice and demoralisation in the name of creating “a better world”, along with a proprietary right to interpret the verses of the Quran, results in the promotion of terrorism, including suicide attacks. The cult of sacrificing one’s own life is treated in Islam as a heroic deed, in which the doer sacrifices what he deems most important. Martyrdom, glory after death, the sense of self-sacrifice for the sake of a divine cause are factors which make Islamic terrorists accept their own demise and this is not considered as the end of their existence but rather its beginning and privileged because of the sacrifice of one’s life for Islam. The foundation of Islamic terrorism is the rivalry between the values of the West and the fundamentalist and traditionalist tendencies of the Arabic countries. Anti-West attitudes together with a politicised version of Islam are major threats not only to both sides but also the whole world.

6

Empowerment of micro enterprises (umkm) by increasing team effectiveness using Qur’ani job design mode

75%

Jaya W.

Economic and Regional Studies

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2021

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tom 14

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nr 1

7

The Motif of the Angel(s) of Death in Islamic Foundational Sources as an Element of Cultural Diffusion

63%

Prochwicz-Studnicka B. , Mrozek A.

Verbum Vitae

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2021

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tom 39

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nr 4

1233-1261

EN

The article harks back to the publication entitled “The Motif of the Angel(s) of Death in Islamic Foundational Sources” (VV 38/2 [2020]), which was devoted to the analysis of the eponymous theme in the foundational sources of Islam: the Quran and the sunna of the Prophet Muhammad. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the motif of angel(s) may have been borrowed from two monotheistic traditions that came before. The verification of the thesis that the motif of the angel(s) of death underwent diffusion was carried out in several steps. First, the motif was identified in the textual traditions of Judaism and early Christianity (i.e. sets of texts that were known and, in all likelihood, widespread in the Middle East during the formative period of Islam). As a result of the analysis, most of the themes recognised in the foundational texts of Islam were found. The next step was to identify possible routes of their transmission and percolation into the Islamic tradition and to determine the “ideological demand” for the motif of the angel(s) of death in the burgeoning Islam. Although Jewish and Christian imagery and beliefs about angels are an important (if not the primary) source of influence on Muslim angelology, there was most likely a two-way interaction between the monotheistic traditions, albeit to a limited extent.

8

Historical evolution of the Qur’ānic text – from ‘Utmān to ibn Muǧāhid and beyond

63%

Grodzki M.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2020

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nr 2-3 (274-275) "Świat islamu w perspektywie badań arabistycznych i politologicznych Historia i współczesność"

165-174

EN

The paper is an attempt to sum up efforts being made in the field of Quranic Studies to come up with a critical edition of the text of the Quran – the holy book of Islam – basing on oldest, extant Quranic manuscripts and secondary literature, and this in order to enable text criticism based on source texts. The quest for authographic / interpretative text-forms of the Qur’anic revelations is an attempt to reach back as far as possible into the earliest history of Islam. The reconstruction of a critical text of the Qur’an, i.e. a (single or multiple) original version(s) of the text from which all subsequent manuscript versions and readings stem, is an ongoing quest for scholars of Quranic studies, in the Western and Eastern hemisphere. And that is because merely the process of studying the manuscripts delivers us unique insight into Quranic history – historical insight, dogmatic insight and literary insight.

9

Rahma i miłosierdzie – (nie)adekwatność pojęć

63%

Abdallah-Krzepkowska B.

Nurt SVD

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2017

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nr 1

224-237

PL

Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, na ile możliwe jest oddanie znaczenia pojęć koranicznych w tłumaczeniu na przykładzie pojęcia miłosierdzia. Przedstawiono konceptualizację pojęcia miłosierdzia (raḥma) w Koranie, posługując się koncepcją pola semantyczno-leksykalnego. Zbadano zależności pomiędzy znaczeniem terminu a używanymi typami metafory, konotacją i leksemami, które realizują to pojęcie. Interesujące są różnice w etymologii obu terminów, co jest szczególnie ważne w przypadku języków semickich, gdzie nośnikiem znaczenia jest rdzeń. Raḥma poprzez swój rdzeń rḥm związana jest z pojęciem bliskiej więzi i pokrewieństwa, miłości macierzyńskiej, czułości. Polski termin „miłosierdzie” posiada podobną konotację, co łaciński misericors. Misericors miało pierwotnie wydźwięk negatywny (miser – ubogi, nędzny, żałosny, nieszczęśliwy). Do XVI wieku negatywny wydźwięk miał też przymiotnik „miły”. Jego etymologia zdradza silne pokrewieństwo z filozofią grecką i systemem feudalnego rycerstwa. Polski termin „miłosierdzie” poprzez swą etymologię zachowuje znaczenie wnętrza człowieka jako źródła i siedliska uczuć. Zatraca jednak symboliczny naddatek więzi, bliskości, pokrewieństwa, uczuć macierzyńskich, który jest obecny w terminach semickich.

EN

The article addresses the perplexing issue of rendering the meaning of the Quranic terms into other languages as close and faithfully as possible. The word for the case study here is miłosierdzie. The methodology employed is the conceptualisation of the word rahma, which the Quran transmits as the idea of mercy, within the constraints of the semantic-lexical field. The analysis is centered around the meaning of the term and types of metaphors, connotations and lexemes transmitting that meaning. The differences in etymology of both terms are quite interesting. It is especially important in the case of the semitic languages, where the meaning of the word is conveyed by its root. The root for rahma is rhm. It invokes the ideas of a bond, blood relationship, maternal love and affection. Polish word miłosierdzie elicits similar feelings as the Latin misericors, though the latter had originally had a rather negative connotations (miser – poor, wretched, miserable, unhappy). The adjective miły used to induce somewhat negative sentiments right up to the 16th century. Its etymology reveals a very close association of the word with the Greek philosophy and the ideas of the feudal society. The etymology of the Polish term miłosierdzie rescues the ability of the word to point to the inner sanctum of man, the depths of his being as the fountainhead of his feelings and their natural habitat. At the same time, however, it deprives it of its symbolic surplus of friendship, intimacy, family bonds and maternal feelings; all of which are present in the semitic languages.

10

Metaforyka pojęć wchodzących w skład pola semantyczno-leksykalnego miłosierdzia

63%

Abdallah-Krzepkowska B.

Roczniki Kulturoznawcze

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2017

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tom 8

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nr 4

177-190

PL

Artykuł jest próbą usystematyzowania i sklasyfikowania wszystkich metafor pojęć wchodzących w skład pola semantyczno-leksykalnego miłosierdzia. W tekście Koranu wyróżniam siedem najczęściej występujących metafor: miłosierdzie to przedmiot, miłosierdzie to wyżej, miłosierdzie to substancja miłosierdzie to żywa istota, miłosierdzie to zamknięta przestrzeń, miłosierdzie to pożywienie, miłosierdzie to proces oraz kilka innych, pojedynczo użytych metafor. Artykuł opisuje użycie wszystkich metafor w tekście i powiązanie danej metafory z poszczególnymi znaczenia pojęcia miłosierdzia.

EN

The aim of the article is to present metaphors depicting concepts from the semantic field of MERCY in the Quran. The theory of metaphors developed by cognitive linguistics was applied to examine types of metaphors. As a result, seven types were distinguished: MERCY IS AN OBJECT, MERCY IS UP, MERCY IS A LIVING CREATURE, MERCY IS A CONTAINER, MERCY IS A SUBSTANCE, MERCY IS A PROCESS, MERCY IS FOOD. The article analyzes the ways in which these metaphors were used in the Quran. Furthermore, relations between different types of metaphors and the relevant concepts, as well as relations between metaphors and different meanings of the concepts in the semantic field of mercy have been presented.

11

Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)

63%

Wolińska T.

Vox Patrum

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2015

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tom 64

529-567

EN

It is difficult to find equally important event in history as the birth of Islam and Arab expansion, although their importance was not appreciated at first. Its appearance was a breakthrough in several dimensions: religious, political, economic, cultural and lingual. The article attempts to discuss the reaction of Christian elites to the new monotheist religion. Initially, Islam was not identified as a new, separate religion. It was believed that the invaders would be chased away soon. The invasion was perceived in the biblical context, as a punishment for sins and as a work of the devil. So thought Sophronios, Theodor, John of Nikiu. Other writers pointed out Jews and heretics as the cause of God’s anger (Maximus the Confessor), but also emperor Constans (Anastasius the Synaite, Sebeos, some anonymous authors). A debate between Christians and Muslims commenced when Muhammad was still alive and both parties knew virtually nothing of each other. With time, the knowledge about Islam increased, although it still depended on education, social status, place of residence and knowledge of Arabic. In the 8th century it became obvious that Muslim rule would continue which can be observed in the opinion expressed by such writers as Sebeos, Anastasios, Denys of Tell Mahré or Ghewond. The task of Christian elites then, was to survive in an alien, not in frequently hostile environment and to preserve Christian faith. It was even more important when, particularly under the Umayyad rule, the religious policy became worse for Christians, which resulted in numerous conversions to Islam. The church must have felt threatened, consequently new arguments in the disputes with Muslims were needed. A form of a dialogue or polemics between two adversaries appeared. This can be seen in the texts of Theodor Abu Qurra, John on Damascus, in the polemics between patriarch Timothy with caliph Mahdi (781), homilies of a Syriac bishop from Iraq Mar Aba II (641-751), a discourse between monk Bert Hale and a wealthy Muslim or the answer of emperor Leo III to caliph Umar II (719), to mention just a few. The Christians attacked primarily Muhammad himself. He was accused of being a heretic or fake prophet. His knowledge would come either from Jews or heretic Christians. His adversaries pointed out that he had not done miracles as Christ had. It was also said that his revelation had been nothing but his dream or a result of his illness (epilepsy), or even that he had been possessed by daemons. Another target of attacks was the Quran, which was presented as a falsified Scripture. According to Niketas, it was not created by God, but by a daemon, as a compilation of many, often contradicting texts. It was also criticized as being non-original. Islam, was also be spread with the sword rather than with the word.

12

Feminizm islamski. Niechciane dziecko islamu politycznego

62%

Bobako M.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2013

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tom 8

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nr 2

219-247

EN

A goal of the paper is to present Islamic feminism as a political-intellectualphenomenon that has been developing in the international Muslim womencommunity for a few decades. The author distinguishes Islamic feminism (thatpostulates gender quality and women’s empowerment on the basis of the religiousprinciples of Islam) from earlier feminist tradition that she labels after Margot Badranas Muslim feminism. The paper discusses political and intellectual background ofthe emergence of Islamic feminism and shows its complex relationships with bothpolitical Islam and the Western feminist discourses. A key factor here is a heritageof European colonialism and anti-Muslim politics of the West. The author refers tothe works of main representatives of Islamic feminism, such as Fatima Mernissi,Amina Wadud, Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Asma Barlas, and examines their attempts toarrive at non-patriarchal reinterpretations of the Muslim tradition, Quranic texts and the established interpretations of the Sharia law.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie feminizmu islamskiego jako zjawiska polityczno-intelektualnego, które rozwija się w międzynarodowych społecznościach muzułmańskich kobiet od kilku dekad. Autorka odróżnia feminizm islamski (postulujący równość płci i upodmiotowienie kobiet w oparciu o religijne zasady islamu) od wcześniejszej feministycznej tradycji, którą za Margot Badran określa mianem feminizmu muzułmańskiego. Tekst przedstawia polityczny i intelektualny kontekst powstania feminizmu islamskiego oraz pokazuje jego skomplikowane związki zarówno z islamem politycznym, jak i zachodnimi dyskursami feministycznymi. Kluczowym czynnikiem okazuje się tutaj dziedzictwo europejskiego kolonializmu i antymuzułmańska polityka Zachodu. Przywołując prace głównych reprezentantek feminizmu islamskiego, tj Fatimy Mernissi, Aminy Wadud, Ziby Mir-Hosseini i Asmy Barlas, autorka omawia podejmowane przez nie próby antypatriarchalnych odczytań muzułmańskiej tradycji, tekstów koranicznych i utrwalonych wykładni prawa szarijatu.

13

Al-Shura – the consultative system administrating public affairs in Shari’ah

54%

Edaich S.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2016

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tom 14

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nr 3

227-242

EN

The governance theory has experienced an important evolution throughout history of political models known until present day. Specialists and scholars agree unanimously on the representative system being the preferred instrument of modern democracy to organize the state authority and competences. Politicians and rulers are elected according to a subjective approach, with the obligation to establish and realize public issues. This is a process in which the will of voters is used to prove the legitimacy of the power; however, it is deprived of an impact on direct politicians’ decisions. In another dimension, the Islamic governance theory offers a different postulate which is constructed on a clear division between the public and private interests. “Shura”, that is a consultative system of governance, is determined by divine provisions as a unique governance model, in which the impact of individuals has a direct impact on appointing rulers and on decision making, as well. This system provides a preventative control and monitoring which allow consultants’ or advisors’ interference in the decision making process and also during the executive phase to avoid disturbance or violation of the goals established in public issues, according to provisions and rules of Shari’ah.

14

Koran o Trójcy Świętej

51%

Maszkowski R.

Nurt SVD

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2017

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nr 1

161-174

PL

Dwie centralne prawdy wiary chrześcijańskiej wzbudziły u Muhammada sprzeciw. Nie do przyjęcia było uznanie „współuczestnika Boga”, który mieniłby się Synem Bożym. Dlatego Muhammad odrzucał wiarę chrześcijan w Jezusa jako wcielonego Syna Bożego oraz konsekwentnie – wiarę w Trójcę Świętą. Jego zdaniem były one nie do pogodzenia z monoteizmem, stąd uznawał je za bluźnierstwo. Koraniczna polemika w kwestii Trójcy Świętej miała wykazać bezpodstawność wiary chrześcijan, uwyraźnić monoteizm oraz oczyścić go z obcych wpływów religijno-teologicznych. Muhammad chciał w ten sposób „ochronić Jezusa” przed zarzutem o bluźnierstwo. Polemika Proroka z chrześcijaństwem dotyczyła jakościowej strony monoteizmu chrześcijan i koncentrowała się na „teizmie” w tym monoteizmie. Koran przyjmuje natomiast triadę bóstw – Allah (Bóg), Maryja (bogini), Jezus (syn boży) – ukonstytuowaną na wzór ludzkiej rodziny, występującą w panteonie bóstw politeistycznej Arabii.

EN

Muhammad objected to the two central tenets of Christianity: belief in the Holy Trinity and in Jesus as the Son of God. He could not accept the idea of God having an associate, referring to himself as His son. He regarded it as a blasphemy that could not be made compatible with monotheism. The objectives of the Quran was to prove that the Christian faith was based on no good reasons, emphasise monotheism and cleanse it of foreign theological surplus. In this way Muhammad wanted to defend Jesus from the charge of blasphemy. In his polemics with Christians he was concerned with the qualitative aspect of their monotheism, and focused on the ‘theism’ in their monotheism. Quran presumes three gods [in Christianity]: Allah (God), Mary (goddess) and Jesus (god’s son), found in the polytheistic Arabia, made in the image of the human family.

15

Islamizacja prawa karnego Pakistanu na przykładzie nowelizacji i stosowania przepisów prawa o bluźnierstwie

51%

Dziwisz S.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2019

|

tom 22

233-254

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the provisions of Chapter XV of the Pakistani Penal Code titled “Of Offences Relating to Religion” and commonly known as the “blasphemy law”. It includes a variety of crimes including blasphemy, profaning the Holy Quran, insulting religious feelings and using derogatory remarks in respect of the Prophet Muhammad. The article analyzes the legal solutions included in Chapter XV of the Pakistani Penal Code taking into account the historical context of their origin and application. The process of Islamization of laws and institutions began during the military regime of General Zia-ul-Hag, which is clearly seen on the example of Pakistan’s criminal law. In this period, five additional provisions were added to the Penal Code, including Section 295-C which introduces criminal liability for using derogatory remarks in respect of the Prophet Muhammad. The provisions under discussion have often been criticised for being discriminatory against religious minorities and inconsistent with human rights. They also violate the principles of equality and freedom of religion, which are guaranteed in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Their introduction to the Penal Code was part of the plan to bring about the Islamization of the law and the state.

PL

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza przepisów rozdziału XV pakistańskiego kodeksu karnego, zatytułowanego „Przestępstwa związane z religią”, powszechnie znanego jako „prawo o bluźnierstwie”. W rozdziale tym znajdują się przepisy penalizujące zachowania polegające między innymi na bluźnierstwie, profanacji Koranu, obrażaniu uczuć religijnych i stosowaniu obraźliwych uwag w odniesieniu do Proroka Mahometa. W artykule dokonano analizy rozwiązań prawnych składających się na tzw. „prawo o bluźnierstwie” wraz z niezbędnymi historycznymi aspektami ich istnienia. Podczas reżimu wojskowego generała Zia-ul-Hag rozpoczęto islamizację praw i instytucji, co wyraźnie widać na przykładzie pakistańskiego prawa karnego. W tych latach do Kodeksu karnego wprowadzono pięć dodatkowych przepisów, w tym artykuł 295-C, który penalizuje stosowanie obraźliwych uwag w odniesieniu do Proroka Mahometa. Przedstawione przepisy prawne są często krytykowane za dyskryminację mniejszości religijnych i niezgodność z prawami człowieka. Naruszają także zagwarantowane w konstytucji Islamskiej Republiki Pakistanu zasady równości i wolności religii. Ich wprowadzenie było częścią realizowanego przez władze publiczne planu całkowitej islamizacji prawa i państwa.

16

Wartość życia u podstaw islamskiej (bio)etyki

51%

Leźnicki M.

Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae

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2013

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tom 11

|

nr 3

51-70

EN

The aim of this article is to present the position of Islamic ethics and bioethics on the issue of the value of life. To better illustrate this topic the article is divided into two parts. In the first, the authors provide an overview of ethics, and relate it Islamic bioethics, including its sources and inspirations, while in the second, the authors examine the value of life as depicted from the perspective of Quranic ethics and Islamic bioethics of both the Shi’a and the Sunnis. Although the text has a propedeutic character it is important because it adds another theologico-philosophical layer to the complex bioethical discussion that lies at the heart of the current dispute about the value of human life.

17

Piśmiennictwo religijne Tatarów Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego jako źródło badań historycznojęzykowych

51%

Kulwicka-Kamińska J.

Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Językoznawczego

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2018

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tom 74

93-106

PL

Przedmiotem opisu są pochodzące z okresu od XVI do XX w. zabytki piśmiennictwa religijnego Tatarów Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. Należą do nich księgi podstawowe: rękopisy Koranu, tefsiry, kitaby, chamaiły; księgi pomocnicze: sufry, tedżwidy, wokabularze; amulety: hramotki, daławary, nuski, tablice, muhiry. Zabytki te powstawały w wielokulturowej i wielojęzycznej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, w środowisku muzułmanów, żyjących w warunkach diaspory w otoczeniu chrześcijańskim. Miało to wpływ na wielowarstwowość tatarskiej twórczości, w tym na jej multilingwizm, czyli obecność języków orientalnych oraz słowiańskich zapisanych alfabetem arabskim. Inną cechą wskazującą na wielosegmentowość tatarskich ksiąg jest łączenie różnych tradycji religijnych i przekładowych. Stąd wskazuje się na związek tych zabytków z literaturą biblijno-psałterzową europejskiego średniowiecza i renesansu oraz z tureckimi tefsirami. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje fakt, że Tatarzy już w XVI w. dokonali trzeciego na świecie przekładu Koranu na język słowiański, tj. polszczyznę północnokresową.

EN

The object of description are the 16th—20th-century religious writings of the Tatars of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, literary monuments, which include basic books: manuscripts from the Quran, tefsirs, kitabs, chamails; auxiliary books: sufras, tajwids, vocabularies; and amulets: hramotkas, dalavars, nuskas, tables, muhirs. They were written in the multicultural and multilingual Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, in the community of Muslims, who formed a diaspora in a Christian environment. This contributed to the Tatar works being multilayered and multilingual, which is reflected in the presence of Oriental and Slavic languages written in the Arabic script. The combining of various religious traditions and translation methods makes the Tatar books multisegmental and it is argued that they are related to the Biblical-psaltic literary tradition of the European Middle Ages and Renaissance, and to the Turkish tefsirs. Worthy of emphasis is the fact that already in the 16th century the Tatars translated the Quran into a Slavic language, a dialect of Polish used in the North Borderland, and it was the third translation of Quran in the world.

18

Islam a Wiara Bahá’í. Próba analizy komparatystycznej w kontekście fenomenologicznym

51%

Anoszko S.

Nurt SVD

|

2015

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nr 2

173-190

PL

W artykule podjęta została próba fenomenologicznego porównania dwóch systemów wierzeniowych, aspirujących do miana religii światowych: islamu oraz Wiary Bahá’í. Wychodząc od analizy historycznych uwarunkowań powstania doktryny Bahá’í jako mesjanistycznego odłamu szyizmu w islamie, przez analizę tekstów źródłowych – Koranu oraz pism bahaickich – dokonuje się oceny podobieństw i różnic zachodzących pomiędzy teologią dogmatyczną w wymienionych religiach. Porównanie fundamentalnych założeń oraz podejść w wierze pozwala wnioskować o bezsprzecznym przenikaniu się nauki proroka Bahá’u’lláha z filarami wiary muzułmańskiej, a nawet zauważyć pewien odrębny dynamizm rozwojowy bahaizmu.

EN

In the article I have undertaken a phenomenological comparison of two religious systems, which aspire to be of world importance, the Islam and Bahá’í Faith. Starting with a historic conditions’ analysis of Bahá’í coming into existence as a messianic section of Shiitism in the Islam, through an analysis of reference literature – the Quran and Bahá’í writings – similarities and differences in the dogmatic theology of both the systems were taken into consideration. Comparing the assumptions and attitudes in the faith allows to draw conclusions as to mutual interference of the Bahá’í prophet teaching and the so-called pillars of the Muslim faith, and still there is some separate development dynamism of the Bahá’í Faith.

19

Biblical and Quranic Argumentation for Sustainable Behaviors Toward Nature

51%

Sadowski R. F. , Ayvaz Z.

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2023

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tom Vol. 18, nr 1

152--163

EN

We observe an ever-increasing role of religions in fighting the environmental crisis. Religious argumentation has enormous potential to shape the attitudes of the followers of religions. Applying this argumentation can signifi-cantly change attitudes towards the environment in the majority of the human population. Christianity and Islam together have over 4 billion followers. Here, we present seven common Biblical and Quranic issues that are key to human attitudes to nature. The conducted analysis leads to a surprising conclusion. The Bible and Quran similarly encourage their followers to build harmonious relations with the natural world.

PL

Obserwujemy coraz większą rolę religii w walce z kryzysem ekologicznym. Argumentacja religijna ma ogromny potencjał kształtowania postaw wyznawców religii. Zastosowanie tej argumentacji może znacząco zmienić postawy wobec środowiska u większości populacji ludzkiej. Chrześcijaństwo i islam razem mają ponad 4 miliardy wyznawców. W tej pracy przedstawiamy siedem powszechnych zagadnień biblijnych i koranicznych, które są kluczowe dla stosunku człowieka do natury. Przeprowadzona analiza prowadzi do zaskakującego wniosku. Biblia i Koran w podobny sposób zachęcają swoich wyznawców do budowania harmonijnych relacji ze światem przyrody.

20

Droga jako synonim zbawienia w Koranie. Refleksje lingwistyczno-teologiczne

51%

Micherdziński M.

Polonia Sacra

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2013

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tom 17

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nr 1

EN

The metaphor of the way is one mode of seeing the salvation. Quran as the Holy Book of salvation for the Muslim believers attempts to handle the religious experience in category of the way. The metaphor of the way is in Quran expressed by the words of Arabic voculary derivated from the triliteral verbal root { ﺪﻫى } hdy. They are firstly the nominal derivatives: ﻫُﺪًى hudan – „right guidance, right way, right path, true religion” (S. II, 2. 38). Quran as the Book of Salvation to a people who believe is named: ﻫُﺪًى ﻭرَحْﻤَﺔ hudan wa-raḥmatan – „a guidance and a mercy” (S. VII, 52; XVI, 64.89; XXVII, 76–77; XXXI, 2– ﻫُﺪًى ﺑﻭشُْﺮَى ,( 3 hudan wa-bušrà – „guidance and glad tidings” (S. II, 97; XXVII, 1–2) oraz ﻫُﺪًًى ﻭشِ ﺎﻔء hudan wa-šifāʼun – „a guide and a cure” (S. XLI, 44). In Torah, Gospel Book and Quran „was guidance and light” for those who have Taqwà of Allāh (S. V, فﻴهِ ﻫُﺪًى ﻮﻧﻭرٌ : 46 fīhi hudan wa-nūrun). The synonims of way leadings to salvation are the followings terms: سَ ﻴﺒلُ ﷲِﺍ sabīlu l-Lāhi – „the cause of Allāh” i صِﺮَﺍط ﻤﻟﺍُﺴْ ﻘﺘ ﻢِﻴُ ṣirātu l-mustaqīmu – „correct guidance”. However the noun ﻫﺎَدٍ hādin – „the Guide” is one of theophanic names of Allāh (S. XXII, 54; XXV, 31). The verbal derivatives serve to define of the divine action in believers life (S. II, 143. 198; VI, 87; XVI, 36; XXXIX, 18; XCIII, ﻫَﺪَى : 7 hadà – „guided”). Allāh „guide” ( ﻳَهْﺪِى yahdī) the people who believe to the salvation, to the truth and to Himself. He is absolutely independent in giving salvation, it's signified with phrase ﻣَنْ ﻳشََﺎء man yašāʼu – „whom He wills” (S. II, 142. 213. 272; VI, 88; X, 25; XVI, 4. 93; XXIV, 35. 46; XXVIII, 56; XXXV, 8). The blievers are named أ ﻤﻟُهْ ﺪﺘُ ﻥﻭَ ʼal-muhtadūna – „the guided” (S. Vi, 82). The antithesis of the verb „guide” is verb أضَلﱠ ʼaḏalla – „leads astray” (S. LXXIV, 31). The expressions the mutual experiential base is connected with the Bible whose name is nomadism. The ancient Hebrews and Arabs were nomads. Therfore the metaphoric of way serves to name the various spheres of his life and culture. The metaphore of divine guidance the man to the salvation in Quran has the pattern in the biblical texts. The hebrew equivalents to the expressions are the words of Hebrew vocabulary derivated from the more verbal roots: { נחה } nẖh, { דרך } drk, { אשׁר } ʼšr, { ארח }ʼrẖ, { עגל } ʻgl, { נתב } ntb, { סלה } slh. The biblical texts are for the author of Quran starting-point to moulding the own conception of salvation. The elaborated in this article expressions serve to describe one of the divine action of salvation. It relies on guidance of the believers on the right way to salvation. The name of Allāh, „The Guide”, is guarding the man from the mistakes on this way.