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Is the Glass Half Empty or Half Full? Karel Svoboda

100%

Svoboda K.

nr 2

50-60

The divergence of public opinions in Western countries compared with the development in Russia’s public moods became particularly obvious during the revolutions of 1830. In Western Europe’s public opinion, Russia changed in public perception from one of the main contributors of victory in the anti‑Napoleonic coalition to the main threat for peace. Due to Russia’s hard stance against the French July and later the Belgian revolution, negative perception of Russia in the West hardened. The Polish revolution was seen as an uprising against oppressive Russian rule by the Western public and journals. This represented a break with Russian public opinion, including that prevailing among Russian liberals. Russians saw the struggle against Polish insurgents as a matter of national survival. Such a view was supported almost unanimously.

How Social Class Shapes Attitudes on Economic Inequality: The Competing Forces of Self-Interest and Legitimation

100%

Curtis J. , Andersen R.

nr 1

4-19

Using survey data from the World Values Survey (WVS) and national-level statistics from various official sources, we explore how attitudes toward economic inequality are shaped by economic conditions across 24 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Consistent with the economic self-interest thesis, we find that where income inequality is low, those in lower economic positions tend to be less likely than those in higher economic positions to favor it being increased. On the other hand, where economic resources are highly unequally distributed, the adverse effects of inequality climb the class ladder, resulting in the middle classes being just as likely as the working class to favor a reduction in inequality. Our results further suggest that people tend to see current levels of inequality as legitimate, regardless of their own economic position, but nonetheless desire economic change-i.e., they would like to see inequality reduced-if they perceive it could improve their own economic situation.

The Image of China and Russia in the US Press During the Pandemic

54%

Rybalko M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

2020

nr 3

19-28

Prasa amerykańska negatywnie przedstawia zarówno Rosję, jak i Chiny, a podczas obecnej pandemii wizerunek tych autorytarnych państw stał się jeszcze bardziej negatywny. Sytuacja dotycząca koronawirusa działa jako efekt interakcji, gdy bardziej radykalne postawy znajdują odzwierciedlenie w komunikatorach internetowych i mediach internetowych. Wcześniejsze tematy krytyki w mediach ustąpiły miejsca dominującemu tematowi – chińskiej odpowiedzialności za wirusy. Każda historia sukcesu pochodząca z Chin lub Rosji jest wątpliwa lub uciszana. Nie ma pozytywnych wiadomości w autorytarnym systemie politycznym. Do analizy treści wizerunku Rosji i Chin wykorzystano dane z New York Times.

The United States press negatively portrays both Russia and China. During the current pandemic the image of these authoritarian states has become even more negative. The coronavirus situation works as interaction effects when more radical attitudes are reflected in the internet messengers and internet media. Previous media topics of US criticism have given the way to a dominant topic – the Chinese responsibility for a virus. Any success story coming either from China or Russia is doubted or silenced. No positive news can be found in the authoritarian political system. The data based on New York Times publications are used for the content analysis of the image of Russia and China.