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EN
To have a roof over one’s head was an unattainable dream for many people in Prussia after 1871 in the era of industrialisation and urbanisation. The groups for whom that problem was the most acute were: peasants, agricultural labourers, labourers paid per day, factory workers, craftsmen, poorer white collar workers and low-ranking officials. The dwelling forms were strongly influenced by a growing phenomenon of pauperisation of lower urban classes, industrialisation, an enormous inflow of people into towns, inappropriate nutrition and an inadequate satisfaction of other basic needs. Yet, it was in the 19th century when the bourgeois cultural image of a friendly home was constructed, which has become a space of rest against the threats of the outside world and a basis for the present-day mass concept. But, at that time only members a tiny part of the society managed to get this friendly retreat; for the overwhelming majority their homes were just sleeping places.
EN
The first part of the article offers a review of the most important historical views on German plans for Poland during the First World War. The author attempts to show that they were not as consistent, clear and painstakingly implemented as earlier historical writing supposed, but rather inconsistent, chaotic and carried out by various competing centres of political and military power. The author than describes several centres of power in Imperial Germany and displays their rivalry over the Polish cause. There were several reasons behind the observed chaos, among them the political structure and the system of power in the German Reich. The system was unable to create a main decision-making centre during the war. Furthermore, with a limited knowledge of Polish matters, Germans were not certain, which option would be best for post-war Germany. It is the author’s opinion that research on the issue should definitely be continued.
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The central category in the life of the Prussian bourgeoisie was work and this opinion is accepted by the admirers of the notion of the Prussian mentality. In the case of the Prussian state, work ethic was implemented primarily by the educated middle class, as the economic middle class was poor and did not have its own clear habitus. The Junkers were related to militarism, as the most important feature of the Prussian nobility, but also to social training, and great organizational successes. Moreover, the social, economic, cultural and ideological superstructure contributed to the creation of the mythology of the Prussian state and dynasty. The most important value for officers was honour which was adapted from the nobility. The traditional, military instrument of its defence was duels. Prussian virtues included also: progressiveness, modernity (understood as overcoming the state order), selflessness (unconditional dedication to the state), aggressiveness, tolerance, the rule of law and equality before the law, obedience, discipline, awareness of one’s duty, dignity, defence of one’s independence, personal restraint, frugality, respect for public property, incorruptibility, honesty, respect for education, courage and bravery. Moreover, the image of Poland and Poles in Prussia played a crucial role in the mental orientation of Prussians. A negative image of Poles, the metaphor of “polnische Wirtschaft”, co-created the modern German national identity in Prussia as their opposite.
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Content available remote Formování židovské šlechty ve středoevropské perspektivě
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The aim of this study is to outline the summary development of Jewish nobility (persons of the Jewish faith or origin) in the Hapsburg Monarchy, yet focusing primarily upon contemporary specifics in terms of their nobilitations. It summarizes the development of awarding aristocratic titles to these persons and attempts to characterize the main milestones of nobilitations and compares the nobilitation policy of the rulers of the Danube Monarchy and the Kingdom of Prussia towards individuals of the Jewish faith and origin.
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Content available remote Wilhelm von Humboldt. Między antysemityzmem a judeofobią
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EN
The article offers a detailed analysis of an official document of 1809 by Wilhelm von Humboldt titled “On the Project of a New Constitution for Jews”, which had a major impact on the process of granting them equal rights in Prussia. This slim document contributed in a direct way to the adoption in 1812 of the most progressive emancipation edict that equaled the rights and obligations of Jews to those of other citizens. Being a momentous manifestation of classic German liberalism it voiced the staunch opposition of a Prussian statesman and philosopher of the law against enlightened absolutism. Humboldt based his arguments on the belief that in the process of creating the rule of law it is indispensable to proclaim an individual’s inalienable rights to freedom and security. The text also mirrors the revolutionary changes that led in the second half of the 18th century to dissolution of the traditional model of Jewish life.
EN
Th is article examines how corruption and legal changes were interrelated in Bavaria and Prussia around 1800. A number of both legal and administrative reforms occurred across Central Europe during this time period. In the article, it is argued that these reforms were mainly forced and justifi ed by a new type of charges on corruption that had been appeared in public debates since the 1780s. Th e new critics of corruption had denounced the ‘Ancien Régime’ as endemically corrupt and had demanded reforms that bear resemblance with the bureaucracy developed by Max Weber. With the new critics, however, new political actors had appeared in both monarchies and had come into conflict with the entrenched powers – the monarch and the estates. It needed twenty years until the new notions of corruption, common good and government became standard in the public debates. The article consists of three parts: The first part sheds light on the events before the reforms. It shows that a new notion of corruption appeared in the 1780s, but clashed against the older concepts. This section also describes the political confl icts and features an analysis of the interrelation between these confl icts and corruption charges. The second section contains an analysis how the reformers used the new concepts of corruption to delegitimise the old administrative and legal structure. Th ey used corruption charges to justify their own reform proposals within the administration, but even in public communication especially through semi-offi cial journals. The third part focuses on diff erent legal changes that were aff ected by corruption charges either directly or indirectly. It was very diff erent laws that changed due to corruption charges: rules for recruitment and remuneration of officials, house laws of the ruling dynasties and their civil lists, the secret policy of both government and ‘private’ associations. Corruption charges had, thus, a considerable infl uence on the political constitution of the two monarchies. Interestingly, this article shows how changing arguments in the public sphere infl uenced the administrative and legal body in monarchies that did not exhibit a legislative body like a parliament. It also shows how corruption charges were used by political actors to achieve their goals.
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The subject under discussion is the place where in 1243 or 1244 the Teutonic army was defeated – the basin called “Rensen”, “Rense”, or “Reußen”, “Reussenn”, “Reüßen”, “Reusen”. The names enumerated above come from the manuscripts of the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg – written in its major part before 1326, and continued until 1330. It is the oldest source which gives the name of the site of the battle and information about it. The form “Rensen”, appearing in literature, was identified with Rządz (Rządzkie Lake) near Grudziądz. Jarosław Wenta recognizing first the form “Rensen” and later also “Reusen” stated that the place must have been situated near Chełmno. As the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg failed to provide explicit identification, we employed historiographical monuments which used the manuscripts of the chronicle, as well as other sources giving the knowledge about the name we are interested in. The majority of the sources contain the name “Rensen” and names similar to it, which are identified with Rządzkie Lake. Moreover, the cartographic sources including Rządzkie Lake near Grudziądz did not recognize the basin “Reussen” near Chełmno. It is also known that the diphthong “eu” did not appear in the written German language in Prussia until the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. Peter from Dusburg did not use the diphthong “eu” in German words denoting proper names. | us, it is very unlikely that he used the form “Reussen” or a form similar to it. The author further explains his opinion on the existence of such forms in the manuscripts. In Latin palaeography the lower-case letter “n” resembled “u”. The copyists, not knowing the geography of Prussia, must have made a palaeographic mistake changing “n” into “u”. To sum up, it is quite certain that the basin “Reussen” (“Reusen”) near Chełmno never existed, and the battle took place in Rządz near Grudziądz.
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Content available remote Kultura mieszczańska Prus między tradycją a nowoczesnością w latach 1780-1871
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EN
The classic interpretation of the history of Prussian culture is rightly associated with militarism and the spiked helmet. The Prussian “spirit of Potsdam" is commonly contrasted with the “spirit of Weimar”, a perspective long exploited in the literature of the subject. However, there are other noteworthy viewpoints. Already in the period of Enlightenment Berlin was a city of the free spirit of learning, intellectuals and journalists. Publications on civilizational, social and economic reforms abounded. The 18th century was a period of departure from pre-modern mechanisms of financing art by court, church and municipal patronage. The emerging art market became governed by the demand and taste of the bourgeoisie and subsequently of the general public, although the middle class remained the leading group in this respect, imposing its standards on the lower social strata. Having become wealthy the bourgeoisie began to imitate aristocracy, among others in lavish and luxurious interior decoration, but with an excess characteristic of neophytes. The development of culture in 19th century Prussia was fuelled by enormous technical progress (e.g. the railway) and immense growth of institutions for the spreading of progress and culture (education system, healthcare, pension scheme). The advance of literacy and the press as well as readership (libraries and reading rooms) facilitated the creation of mass political parties and trade unions in addition to the participation of the masses in the political reality through the means of culture. The previous concentration on religious topics waned, giving way to secular themes publicized by serialized novels in popular press. Nevertheless, until the 20th century sacred art continued as a major influence among the lower classes.
EN
In the times when societies are marked by certain voluntarism, it is vital to remember a man who may be perceived as opposing such a point of view. Thanks to Marian Biskup’s attitude to work, which resembled the work of Cistercians, this talented historian managed to prepare monumental source editions referring particularly to the Teutonic Order and the development of early modern social structures in Prussia, which led to creating the fundaments for the work of whole generations of historians. All his life, even in his old age, he was keen on learning and ready to cooperate with his colleagues irrespective of their nationality despite the complicated political situation. It must be emphasized especially in the case of the man who in his youth experienced the atrocities of WWII and the after-war period.
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Wiek XIX przyniósł w Prusach likwidację poddaństwa i feudalizmu, rozwój kapitalizmu, z czasem coraz bardziej przemysłowego oraz demokratyzację życia, przede wszystkim po 1848 r. Z punktu widzenia dziejów kobiet oznaczało to z jednej strony wzrost ich udziału w pracy najemnej, z drugiej osłabienie znaczenia tradycyjnego rzemieślniczego czy chłopskiego gospodarstwa domowego będącego jednocześnie jednostką rodzinną i gospodarczą. Zmiany przyniosły stopniowe włączanie dziewcząt w edukację, ale stagnację w zakresie partycypacji politycznej mimo coraz częstszych reformatorskich żądań ówczesnych humanistów. Pojawiły się pierwsze formy instytucjonalizacji organizacji kobiecych w Prusach. W ówczesnym prawie pruskim kobieta nie miała zdolności procesowych. Pozycja kobiety w rodzinie z ekonomicznego i politycznego punktu widzenia pozostała podporządkowana mężczyźnie, ale rola kobiety jako żony, matki i obiektu romantycznego była jednak duża. W ówczesnej kulturze w Prusach mężczyźnie przypisywano aktywność, racjonalność i orientację zawodową, a kobiecie pasywność, emocjonalność, macierzyństwo, poświęcenie i ofiarność dla dobra męża i dzieci. Przy braku antykoncepcji nadal dominowała liczna rodzina nuklearna, ale też występowała znaczna śmiertelność dzieci.
EN
The nineteenth century brought in Prussia elimination of serfdom and feudalism, the development of capitalism, which with time, was becaming more and more industrial and democratization of life, especially after 1848. From the point of view of the history of women, on the one hand it meant the increase of their participation in employment, on the other hand though it signified the weakening the traditional crafts of peasant household which simultanousely was a family and economic unit. The changes brought about the gradual inclusion of girls in education; nevertheless, they were also connected with stagnation of women's political participation despite the increasing prevalence of reformist demands of contemporary humanists. Moreover, the first forms of industralisation of women's organisations in Prussia occurred. In the conterporary Prussian law women lacked the capabilty to act in court proceedings. >From an economic and political point of view the position of women in the family remained as subordinate to the man, however, the role of women as wives, mothers and romantic object was high. In the contemporary culture in Prussia, men were seen as active, rational and of professional orentation, whereas women were passive, emotional and connected with motherhood, dedication and sacrifice for the sake of her husband and children. In the absence of contraception the number of nucler families still prevailed but at that time the mortality of children was high as well.
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Content available remote Niemiecka wielka własność ziemska w Wielkopolsce w latach 1815-1914
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A great landed estate is defined as a farmstead of a minimum area of 100 hectares, operating either as an independent enterprise or owned by the gentry or wealthy middle class. The functioning of such landed estates (in Germany and under the Prussian partition known as Rittergüter) was closely linked to the ownership structure of past times, when private ownership of land entailed a number of privileges and a high social prestige. The Poznań Province was an exporter of crops and agricultural produce and on account of its geographical and geopolitical location was perceived as part of the East Elbian economy (Ostelbien). At the same time it was an outlet for manufacturers of farming tools and machines from the neighboring provinces (mainly Brandenburg). At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the Greater Poland village was dominated by German great landed estates which within the span of a century managed to allegedly permanently link Greater Poland to Prussia and the German state. The participation of German landed estate owners in the economic and social life of Greater Poland in the years 1815-1914 must be assessed as a dynamic process of transformation of the entire Greater Poland within just one century. Those changes were still noticeable in the interwar period when a majority of the landed estate owners assumed Polish citizenship and actively contributed to the economic and political life of the Second Republic of Poland.
EN
European rulers from the late Middle Ages frequently used the service of medical doctors from outside the borders of their countries. So did the holders of the supreme offices in the Teutonic Order. The preserved source material confirms the presence of physicians from outside Prussia in Grand Masters’ closest circle in Malbork in the 14th and the first half of the 15th centuries. The first foreign doctor appearing in written records, magister Frugerius, is the first physician in the Teutonic State in Prussia whose existence was confirmed by the source material. He is also the first personal medical doctor of the Grand Master in Malbork appearing in the records. He came from the diocese of Parma in Italy. However, the overwhelming majority of foreign doctors from the closest circle of the Teutonic superiors came from the Holy Roman Empire, such as Konrad von Leithen, Johann von Rode, Johann Rogge, Jacob Schillingholtz, and probably Anton Müttel. One of the physicians recorded in the sources, Meyen, came from the Kingdom of Poland. He was of Jewish origin, so his identity in Prussia was different also in terms of ethnic origin and religion. Nevertheless, the preserved sources do not allow us to define the origin of all the physicians appearing in the records from that period. Johann Craft, physician to Paul von Rusdorf, might have come to the Teutonic State in Prussia from Wrocław, but it cannot be explicitly proved that it was his family town. At the beginning of the 15th century there were two doctors attempting to obtain the position of Konrad von Jungingen’s personal physician – a Johann Theodorus from India and an anonymous doctor the Teutonic prosecutor in Rome tried to bring to Malbork from the Council of Constance. It is hard to state where the latter came from. Bormienes, an Armenian physician, was another foreign doctor to Grand Teutonic Masters, but he seems to exist only in historiography as his presence in the Teutonic State in Prussia was not confirmed by the source material from the period.
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Content available KOBIETA W PRUSACH 1871–1933
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EN
In Prussia the turn of the 20th century brought about enormous civilization progress which was accompanied by an improvement in the standards of living. This process had already taken place in the German Reich and was followed by political, social and economic changes which affected women as well. Most importantly, at that time they gradually won more educational rights. Until the 19th century women’s educational attainment was limited to primary education and home schooling by governesses. Subsequently, girls were admitted to secondary schools for girls and eventually they were granted the right to sit high school final examinations and access tertiary education. Since mid-19th century women were allowed to join political organizations and after World War I they acquired political rights. Although much depended on a person’s individual disposition and personality, the middle-class mentality of the time was considerably patriarchal, hence equal rights in real interpersonal relationships became a fact only in the 20th century. Contrary to popular misconceptions, working women were commonplace already in the 19th century; unfortunately, as a rule the reason for women’s work was poverty, while attractive professions requiring high qualifications remained unavailable to women. The first changes consisted in allowing women into the teaching profession on graduating from teacher training colleges and then allowing them into the medical and legal colleges and professions. As a consequence of a dramatic decrease in the rate of infant and child mortality, women ceased to be ‘birth machines’, as they had been perceived until then, and instead of giving birth to six or eight children, they had two or three, which had a dramatic impact on their living conditions and opened new life perspectives for them.
EN
In 2016, 150 years will have passed since the Austro-Prussian War. Near the fortress of Hradec Králové, the decisive battle of this conflict took place, with Austria losing. The fortress was besieged and its immediate surroundings were flooded. Using eyewitness accounts and historical realities, the author describes the until recently-rarely revisited life of the civilian populations in the besieged fortress.
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The subject of the dissertation is the question of who was the author of the work referred to as Epitome gestorum Prussie. To identify the author the entry under the year 1313 is used; it is written in the first person and gives information about receiving the position of a canon in Sambia, but it fails to provide the name or the ‘surname’. The question of the identification of the author gave rise to a debate. Max Perlbach suggests that the work could have been written by a dean Bertram, while Christian Krollmann maintains that it was a schoolman Konrad. Marzena Pollakówna did not support either of the sides, whilst Udo Arnold stated the dispute was hard to solve. Gerard Labuda put forward a completely new idea: having noticed a similarity between Epitome and the chronicle of Peter of Duisburg, he suggested that Peter of Duisburg might have been the author of the former book. At the same time he admitted that his supposition might turn out to be difficult to prove. Jarosław Wenta compared fragments of the chronicle of Peter of Duisburg and Epitome, which revealed that Peter knew Epitome. Next, he provided evidence proving that Peter was the author of the work under discussion. The evidence included: the existence of a canon named Peter the “Elder” in the Sambian chapter; Peter of Duisburg’s citations of Epitome; the fact that the canon Peter the “Elder” held the position of a judicial vicar and that the chronicle of Peter of Duisburg reveals that its author was conversant with the Sachsenspiegel [lit. „Mirror of the Saxons”]. Finally, the researcher stated that he had succeeded in proving that the author of Epitome, Peter the “Elder” and Peter of Duisburg were all the same person. Thanks to Radosław Biskup, we know that Peter the “Elder” was a Sambian canon is 1301, while linguistic research carried out by the author of this article reveals that spelling used in Epitome diff ers from the one employed in the chronicle of Peter of Duisburg. Thus, it is certain that Peter the “Elder” and Peter of Duisburg are not the same person; nor were they authors of Epitome. The author of the article points out other canons such as Jacob of Toruń/Bludau, Bertold, Alexander as possible authors of Epitome.
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The primary goal of the paper is to put the assistance of Austria and Prussia to the Ottoman military reforms in the 1830s into the context of diplomatic relations within the Eastern Question, and explain why the Sublime Porte asked the two German Powers for their officers, why only the Prussians were finally employed in 1837. Furthermore, the paper also evidences the fact that the collaboration of the two German Powers with Sultan Mahmud II in his reformatory effort must be viewed not only in the diplomatic but also social context and that the changes in the Ottoman army had been attentively observed by Austria’s and Prussia’s diplomats, and Austrian Chancellor Metternich in particular, long before the employment of the two Powers’ officers in the Near East was officially discussed with the Ottoman authorities; the Viennese cabinet had even provided the education of several Ottoman youths in its Technical military academy. The paper is finally intended as a brief contribution to the relations between Central Europe, represented in this case by the two most important members of the German Confederation, and the Ottoman Empire in the 1830s.
EN
One of the features of premodern era in Prussia was relatively low crime rate with a different structure than it is nowadays. Moreover, there was a different perception and functioning of sphere of justice and of law enforcement. With regard to the size of transgression, the rural territories characterized in minor transgression, whereas bigger cities characterized in more serious crimes; due to the fact that bigger cities did not give security against hunger, ensured anonymity and the ability for perpetrators to hide. Similarly to the contemporary world of crime, theft was a dominant crime, whereas murder was most severely punished. Furthermore, the role of crimes against morality was significant; importantly, the concept of sin was basically synonymous with crime and was reflected in the regulation matters. Generally, it was universal phenomenon and occurred not only in Prussia. Nevertheless, Prussia was reformed quicker. Moreover, the threat of vagrants and beggars, who did not have a dwelling, aroused concern; they might have constituted as much as 10% of the population in the 18th c. Aggressive behaviours and those associated with physical violence against women and children intensified. The ‘excessive’ beating was criticised, nonetheless the phenomena of beating as such was not considered as an offence. Violence com-mitted by a father and husband against his family belonged to the prerogatives of power. In the period of Enlightenment, the authorities of Prussia, and above all Frederick II brought about the elimination of a number of anachronisms in the perception and treatment of crime. Taking into consideration the European revolution, the above mentioned changes happened very quickly. Firstly, equality before the law was introduced, however it was not implemented properly; patrimonial jurisdiction, on the other hand, was at first limited and later on eliminated. Proportionate punishment appeared; tortures and the cruellest punishments ceased being applied. Imprisonment began to spread, along with the religious tolerance. Witch hunt and barbarous penalties for so-called moral offenses (sex before marriage, prostitution) were abandoned, likewise death punishment for homosexual and suicides etc. Since the 18th cen-tury the institution of the police began to develop, before that time it did not exist at all. The number of criminal activities increased due to urbanisation and industrialisation. Large agglomerations emerged, giving their dwellers anonymity; moreover, the phenomenon of strong family, which at the same time was an economic unit, withered. In the industrial capitalism the central place was occupied by the nuclear family. The member of this family was a worker who was at risk of unemployment with a weak sense of security. It is difficult to assess the impact of the increasing secularization on the increase in crime. However, the negative influence of wrecking the old social and community ties (religion, family, and commune) has to be highlighted. Rebellions caused by hunger (either connected with infertility or epidemics) were other major aspects of crime in the 19th c.
EN
In the late medieval Monastic State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia dieners were people who came from knightly families (not infrequently from beyond the territory of Prussia) and were maintained by Teutonic dignitaries and officials (they were provided with accommodation, food, clothes and pay) in exchange for the diplomatic, military-knightly and courtly service (the participation in military actions, the manning of castles, transporting information, the defence of envoys and guests, the examination of the territory occupied by the enemy, the participation in corteges, etc.). In the first half of the 15th century (the available data refers only to this period of time), every high Teutonic official, commander and Vogt had even a few dozens of dieners at their disposal, except extraordinary situations such as the manning of frontier castles in Klaipėda and Dybów. In the whole territory of the Teutonic State in Prussia there might have been about 450–500 dieners at that time. The source analysis conducted here which concerned the castles in Malbork, Świecie, Elbląg and Brandenburg allow us to state that dieners were provided with the accommodation in the buildings situated in the outer wards of the castles. They were given rooms (chambers) exclusively for their use or individual rooms in infirmaries of dieners/servants. As may be inferred from the relatively numerous sources in the Malbork castle they were accommodated on the ground floor in the southern part of the eastern wing of the first internal ward, in the infirmaries next to the Church of St. Lawrence (the southern wing of the first internal ward). In Konigsberg the solution was quite exceptional. Dieners residing there were allowed to have their residential space within the outer wards of the castle (which cannot be proved), but the infirmary where they resided was situated in the territory of the so called wolnizna [Burgfreihei], in the north of the north-east part of the outer ward.
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Im spätmittelalterlichen Staat des Deutschen Ordens in Preußen waren Diener zumeist Personen, die aus Ritterfamilien stammten (häufig auch von außerhalb dieses Territoriums) und die von Gebietigern und Amtsträgern aus dem Orden unterhalten wurden (Unterkunft, Verpflegung, Kleidung, Bezahlung). Dafür waren sie zu diplomatischem, militärisch-ritterlichem und höfischem Dienst verpflichtet (Teilnahme an Kriegshandlungen, Besatzung von Burgen, Übermittlung von Informationen, Schutz von Abgesandten und Gästen, Aufklärung in feindlichem Gebiet, Teilnahme an Gefolgszügen usw.). Insgesamt unterhielt in der 1. Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts (nur für diesen Zeitraum existieren Quellenangaben) abgesehen von besonderen Anlässen (Besatzung der Grenzburgen in Memel und Dibau) jeder hohe Würdenträger des Ordens, jeder Komtur und Vogt bis zu mehrere Dutzend Diener. Im gesamten Ordensstaat in Preußen könnte es damals schätzungsweise 450–500 von ihnen gegeben haben. Die hier durchgeführten Quellenanalysen zu den Ordenshäusern in Marienburg, Schwetz, Elbing oder Brandenburg lassen den Schluss zu, dass den Dienern Unterkünfte in den Gebäuden der Vorburgen zugewiesen wurden. Dabei handelte es sich um Räumlichkeiten, die ausschließlich für ihre Bedürfnisse bestimmt waren oder auch um gesonderte Innenräume für Diener und Knechte in den Krankentrakten der Burgen. Wie aus den relativ zahlreichen Quellen hervorgeht, waren sie in der Hauptfestung Marienburg im Erdgeschoss im südlichen Teil des Ostflügels der geschlossenen Bebauung der ersten, inneren Vorburg untergebracht, außerdem in den Räumlichkei- ten des Krankentrakts bei der St.-Laurentius-Kirche (südlicher Bereich der zweiten Vorburg) sowie eventuell im „Palast“ der Hochmeister (Westflügel der ersten, inneren Vorburg). Eine recht unkonventionelle Lösung lässt sich für Königsberg ermitteln. Die dort lebenden Diener können natürlich Wohnräume im Bereich der Vorburg der dortigen Festung besessen haben (was sich jedoch nicht beweisen lässt), der für sie bestimmte Krankentrakt befand sich allerdings auf einem abgabefreien Gelände der Burg, etwas nördlich vom nordöstlichen Teil der Vorburg.
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Po rozbiorze Polski w 1795 r. zachodnie tereny kraju – głównie Wielkopolska – stały się częścią państwa pruskiego. Polska i Prusy należały do wschodnioeuropejskiego kompleksu gospodarczego, ale Prusy były nieco lepiej rozwinięte gospodarczo i lepiej zorganizowane. W XIX w. pruskie elity były nastawione romantycznie i prowadziły politykę bastionu zorientowaną na obronę Niemczyzny przed naporem Słowian. Pruskie państwo odgrywało wiodącą rolę w gospodarce i podporządkowało ją celom militarnym. Przykład państwa pruskiego był szczególnie popularny wśród polskich elit na początku XX w. Na podstawie pruskich wzorów Polacy uczyli się, że głównym aktorem nie jest jednostka, ale państwo. Przypadek państwa pruskiego był po 1918 r. źródłem inspiracji dla ideologii narodowej. Badania nad polskimi gminami dowodzą, że wpływ zaboru pruskiego na współczesny rozwój Polski był raczej szkodliwy niż wspierający.
EN
After partitions of Poland in 1795 its west territory (Wielkopolska) became a part of Prussia. Poland and Prussia were parts of east European complex of economy, but Prussia was more developed and better organized than Poland. During the XIX century Prussian elites were romantically oriented and dealt with bastion policy which was oriented towards defending the Germans against the Slavs. Prussian state played main role in economy and subordinated it to the military oriented goals. Prussian case was extremely popular among Polish elites at the beginning of XX century. At the base of Prussian patterns the Poles learnt that main actor in economy is not individual unit but the state, and Prussian case was the source of inspiration for strong nationally oriented ideology in Poland after 1918. Research on Polish communes proved that impact of Prussia on contemporary development in Poland was rather damaging than uncourageous.
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This article deals with the issue of the German background of a declaration of Two Emperors of the 5th of November 1916 which announced restitution of the Polish Kingdom. This background resulted from several separate decision centres: the Reich’s government, the Prussian cabinet (Staatsministerium) and the German Military Headquarters (OHL). Notably, the German government and (to certain degree) the OHL had to overcome the resistance of the Prussian government which regarded the concessions made to Poles excessive and as such posing a threat to the vital Prussian interests (predominantly territorial integrity). In this context, the endeavours to solve the Polish question in Germany during World War I is a clear example of the persistence of particular interests within the Reich and the painful process of ultimate abandoning thereof. The idea of Mitteleuropa provides evidence that “a sense of strategic imagination” (as far as the Polish cause was concerned) was much more vivid among German political writers during WWI than among German political decision-makers of that time. However, there was one important exception to this rule, namely general H. Beseler, head of the German occupation apparatus in Poland (1915–1918). He used to criticise the lack of understanding of the importance of the Polish cause in the Berlin government circles, the OHL and among radical nationalists (the Pan-German League, the German Eastern Marches Society).
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